Montréal Contre-information
Montréal Contre-information
Montréal Contre-information

For a month against police: SPVM cruiser attacked outside of metro Charlevoix

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Mar 052016
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

Earlier today, at 6 pm, a few friends attacked an SPVM cruiser parked outside of Charlevoix metro in the Montreal neighborhood of Pointe-Saint-Charles by slashing the tires and breaking the windows.

We want to use this attack as a call for actions against police in Montreal between now and the end of March.

As the annual demonstration against “police brutality” approaches, we’d like to move away from only being combative with police during an annual demonstration, for which they can prepare extensively and after which social peace is easily restored. We want to show that the police are vulnerable to sabotage, and that this is possible every day of the year. We want fear to change camps. We want to encourage the anarchist space in Montreal to experiment with a diffuse offensive against the daily operations of police, not just on march 15th, but in the entire coming month.

We scattered copies of this flyer at the site of the smashed cruiser:

Why we attack the police

If you’re reading this, you’re probably wondering why a few masked individuals just smashed the police car in front of you.

It was pretty easy to ruin these cops’ day; we wore scarves, hats, and gloves to conceal our identities, and dedicated twenty seconds to our direct action while one of us was well positioned to watch for police trying to return to their vehicle. We ran a block, changed our outer layer to appear different while keeping our scarves on, and calmly blended back into the crowd as we walked away.

Allow us to introduce ourselves; we are those who never felt content to follow the program of metro-boulot-dodo that schools prepare us for; we are those who see a cop and recognize the legacy of domination they represent and enforce; we are those who want to struggle to destroy the state, the economy, the apparatuses which force us to conform to the predetermined roles of ‘woman’ and ‘man’, and all the innumerable daily violences this society imposes on us. We want to destroy what destroys us, while simultaneously beginning to create a world less miserable than this one.

We’re not fooled by the reforms the state offers us to placate these sentiments, because we also recognize that we can’t just adjust the dials on this death-machine of a society, but must set fire to its electrical board. We want a revolutionary rupture with the daily life that forces us into work and acceptable social relations. Outside of large-scale riots and rebellions, we live this desire for something new by sabotaging the systems of domination in whichever ways we can.

Many of us call ourselves anarchists, though what’s important isn’t what we call ourselves, but rather the rich and inspiring struggle against authority that our actions and projects contribute to. For us, a police cruiser that can no longer patrol the neighborhood hints at the bigger goal of making the system of policing, prisons, and courts non-functional, because this system of repression and control has never and will never be anything but an obstacle to our freedom. It protects and serves the powerful – institutions and people who have more of a say in how we live our lives than we do.

We hope that the sound of those shattering police car windows resonates with you, and that you’re also disgusted by any obedient citizens who understands this as an attack on their own safety. Time and time again, we see that police only worsen our lives. When there’s a rapist in our neighborhood, we’d far rather see a self-organized group of people respond with baseball bats to the rapists kneecaps, rather than see someone who survived rape be dragged through the courts and made to feel shamed at every turn. We’d far rather the people in our neighborhood who are kept in poverty by bosses and landlords organize to loot the IGA or hold up a yuppie business, rather than steal from and call the police on each other.

Every year on March 15, there is a protest against “police brutality”. If we want a chance at free lives, we need to bring the fight beyond just the “brutality” or “excesses” of the SPVM. We need to understand that brutal violence and coercion are intrinsic to the police’s very existence. We refuse the narrative that the media and the state feed us – that the problem is individual police and not the entire structure of policing and the world they defend. That’s why when many of us meet in the streets, it’s against all police, and we bring rocks and fireworks to lob at them from behind barricades. We invite you to find us there, and share in this practice of revolt.

Until next time
Your friendly neighborhood anarchists

antipolice-eng11 x 17″ | PDF

Solidarity with trans and queer prisoners!

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Feb 062016
 

grafftrans

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

In response to the International day of solidarity with trans and queer prisoners, we roamed our streets leaving messages of solidarity in french, english, and spanish.

Because war against the existent begins with the reappropriation of our lives and the deconstruction of established norms.

The struggle is individual, collective, but especially daily.

Against domination, fire to the prisons!

Fireworks outside of prisons in Laval

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Jan 052016
 

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On New Years Eve, over 100 people gathered for a noise demonstration at the prisons outside of Montreal in Laval; the Immigration Detention Center, the Federal Training Center minimum facility, and Leclerc prison. Banners read : Happy New Year, Free All Prisoners and Our passion for freedom is stronger than prison.

At the Immigration Detention Center, we were not able to make visual contact with people inside but know from previous years that fireworks and chants can be heard across the walls. Police following the demonstration on foot had their video camera obscured by banners, and demonstrators walked in their path to disrupt their line. At Leclerc and the Federal Training Center, prisoners could be seen flashing their lights on and off, waving and shouting through the windows. An abundance of fireworks were shot off at each prison, and statements were read over a sound-system against prisons and their relation to systems of colonialism, white supremacy and capitalism. Words of support and solidarity with prisoners were communicated in French, Spanish, and English.

We’re stoked that three noise demonstrations took place in Quebec this New Year’s Eve. We hope that this tradition can serve as a moment to welcome a year of continual and multiform struggle against the prison system, and the people, institutions, and infrastructures that maintain it.

Excerpt from the callout:
“…We want to celebrate resistance inside prisons. In April 2015, more than 70 mothers in the Karnes County Detention Center in Texas went on strike. The migrant women launched a hunger strike demanding their own release while they pursue asylum claims in the u.s. In August, prisoners in long-term solitary confinement in California won a federal class action lawsuit effectively ending indefinite long-term solitary confinement. In October, Amazon, an anarchist transwoman who is currently imprisoned in California, went on hunger strike demanding that she be transferred to a prison for women. In Lindsay, Ontario, detainees held by CBSA in the Central East Correctional Centre have been on strike for two years demanding an end to immigration detention. These are just a few examples of prisoner resistance that happened in the last year. We stand in solidarity with those struggling against prison walls from the inside.

Prisons were created to isolate people from their communities. Noise demonstrations at prisons are a material way to fight against repression and isolation. We want to extend a message of solidarity to folks inside, and wish them a happy new year. Although, a truly happy new year would be one without prisons and the world that needs them…”

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New Years Eve fireworks at prison for women in Joliette

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Jan 032016
 

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From La Solide – Anti-répression Montréal

On the evening of December 31, we went to the federal prison for women in Joliette in the region of Lanaudière (the only prison for women with sentences that exceed two years in so-called Québec). We held two banners: L'(A)MOUR POUR LA LIBERTÉ NOUS FAIT ENNEMI.ES DE L’AUTORITÉ (The p(A)ssion for freedom makes us enemies of authority) and LA LIBERTÉ EST NOTRE ARME ABSOLUE (freedom is our absolute weapon). We shot some fireworks, and were able to communicate with the incarcerated women and shout our solidarity. Several of them could leave their units (little houses in the prison yard), or went to the windows. This demo was a first of its kind at this prison.

Solidarity with all prisoners in struggle

Until we are all free

FOR THE DESTRUCTION OF ALL PRISONS AND THE WORLD THAT NEED THEM

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Action in solidarity with those incarcerated at Rimouski prison

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Jan 032016
 
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Our solidarity knows neither walls nor borders

From toutedetentionestpolitique

On the night of December 31, a noise-demo took place in front of the prison of Rimouski. Around ten people gathered with pots and fireworks for the occasion. The security guard blocked us from access as soon as we began, and three cop cars rapidly arrived, asking us to leave the prison property. We continued the action regardless, reading the manifesto of prisoners against austerity and focusing on the situation in Rimouski.

If people are in contact with prisoners at Rimouski who could speak to their daily situation, it is possible to contact us to relay the information and enrich the dialogue.

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The prison of Rimouski is one of the worst in terms of overpopulation in Quebec, with a rate reaching 130-135% in 2013. I’ll let you imagine the situation two years later, with the same austerity measures imposed by the liberal government. Prisoners are stuffed in, sleeping on the ground or are two to a cell made for one person.

During 2013, three prisoners were subjected to illegal detention, and were released late due to errors in documentation or in the calculation of their sentence. In the same period, two suicide attempts took place. In addition, of note is the rise in people experiencing mental health issues which are directed towards the prison establishment of Rimouski, despite the blatant lack of doctors or adapted care. As the living conditions become increasingly unbearable, the tension between prisoners can only worsen. It’s time that this changes.

We want to support the struggles of those inside prisons across Quebec, and assist prisoners to have their voice heard across the walls!

As the majority of prisoners are locked up for crimes related to their living conditions, we maintain that every incarceration is political!

Solidarity with incarcerated people

Don’t need a strike to revolt against the State: report-back from the December 18th night demo

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Dec 222015
 

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On the night of Friday, December 18, around 150 people gathered in downtown Montreal for a night demonstration. It was the third in a sequence that began on November 30 and continued December 9, the latter constituting potentially the most successful combative demonstration in Montreal since the student strike of 2012. December 18 was hyped as a chance to take the combativeness and courage that allowed us to create so much time and space for ourselves on the 9th even further.

The callout read : The night belongs to us. The youth say fuck the government, the rich, and the fascists, without forgetting the cops. The struggle is only just beginning, there’s no need for a strike to revolt against the State. This demo will also be in solidarity with the comrades imprisoned in Greece and for a Black December. Against the violence of the State, we will be the reply. Love and Rage.

The excitement discreetly coursing through the city and the fine-tuning of plans throughout the week set high expectations for many of us. The crowd that gathered in Berri Square, though not as numerous as some had hoped, did not seem unprepared to meet them.

This night, however, largely belonged to the police. Despite being attacked with rocks and flares in a final standoff on Ste Catherine, they were allowed to control the route of the demo at every key intersection and eventually funnel it into an area where the geography made it easier for police to disperse the crowd using tear gas and riot-cop charges. As the crowd was chased eastward on Ste-Catherine, the windows of Laurentian Bank, gentrifying businesses in the Gay Village, and at least one police vehicle were smashed, but the desperate quality of this destruction was a far cry from the joyful rampage down René-Lévesque a week earlier.

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Unfortunately, the most memorable aspect of this night might be the presence of undercover cops of the Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM), some sporting their interpretation of black bloc attire. Undercover cops responded viciously when outed by participants in the demo; in various instances,they beat, arrested, pepper sprayed, and even pulled a gun on individuals or groups who attempted to expose or confront them. It’s been a while since the cops have made such a brazen attempt to infiltrate a demo in Montreal, and we see it as a direct response to the popularity and effectiveness of black bloc tactics on December 9. By sending such easy-to-spot undercovers into combative demos to attack protesters, the SPVM makes its goal (beyond injuring and terrorizing its enemies) clear enough: to generate distrust of others who mask up in order to defend themselves against repression.

The police hope that people will equate those who conceal their identities with agents provocateurs, creating a climate that discourages people from adopting black bloc tactics and therefore facilitates the police’s control over the situation. Within hours of the dispersal of the demo, images and accounts of the infiltrators began to go viral on social media; some peaceful-protester-types were already playing the cops’ game by publicly arguing that attacks on police which were carried out by anarchists on December 18 were in fact the work of the undercovers, who (according to this their logic) would have endangered fellow cops in order to blend in or justify police counter-attacks.

The threat of undercovers in demos isn’t new, and we think the best ways of countering it remain the same. We benefit from large and well-executed black blocs, in which people are as indistinguishable from one another as possible so that undercovers are less able to keep track of everything that’s going on or gather valuable evidence against any one participant. The bloc and the entire crowd should stay relatively tight, to make it harder for undercovers to carry out targeted arrests by attacking someone and dragging them away from the crowd. When demonstrators are able to identify undercovers with certainty, they should be forcefully ejected such that their employers are deterred from repeating the mistake of sending them in. Let’s remember the March 15th demo in 2010 where the black bloc chased similarly-dressed undercovers out with rocks, sticks and fireworks. Following this, the police abstained from using infiltrators for a while.

While people were rightly shaken by this incident, we also want to reflect on the demo as a whole. We remain encouraged by how we’ve materialized a spirit of revolt over the last three weeks, but we think Friday could have been so much more, and, without announcing tactical adaptations in a public report-back, we want to offer a few thoughts on why we were so vulnerable to police interventions.

While participants were masking up in the first blocks of the route, live-streaming cameras were yet again filming from every direction. An analysis from a report back on the 9th bears repeating; “Ideally, we’d have a culture of explaining to people how this is harmful, and then proceeding to take action against them or their recording devices if necessary. We should note, however, that several independent media initiatives who regularly film at demos appear to have solid practices of not recording or publishing incriminating video.” We would add that regardless of editing practices, filming should be not considered acceptable in the first fifteen minutes of a demonstration (while everyone is masking up), as it feeds police valuable evidence.

Our position weakened each time we let the police dictate our route by blocking off two out of four directions in an intersection, but there was no major effort by any part of the demo to either bring the crowd to a stop and confront the police lines in hope of punching through, or reverse course (like on December 9 when a quick, well-executed reversal allowed us to evade police control). In the past, we’ve been guilty of expecting such decision-making to come from presumed organizers at the front of the demo, but there is also a strong night-demo culture of autonomous groups proposing plans that get put into action if enough people are into them. In the absence of this autonomous intelligence and with the front of the demo proceeding at full speed past police lines, each block we passed felt like we were sinking deeper into a police trap. Historically, through a variety of methods, we ended mass kettling as well as the flanking sidewalk cops; our most urgent tactical need right now is probably to make it impossible for the police to decide the route of the demo by cordoning off streets at their leisure.

The cohesiveness of the bloc and its resulting capacity for coordination also left something to be desired. Dozens of people were in full bloc, with perhaps fifty more at least wearing masks, but we were often scattered throughout the crowd. On the 18th, the lack of cohesion made informal, real-time coordination between affinity groups more difficult, and the bloc’s actions largely failed to build on one another and create a whole greater than the sum of its parts. For instance, on several occasions cop lines were met with a volley of only two to three rocks – not enough to break the resolve of a cop in full riot gear. A barrage of thirty rocks, on the other hand, could realistically cause them to retreat or take cover, potentially opening up space for the demo to break away into more favorable terrain. The bloc being able to recognize itself as a cohesive unit and act as one could enable this type of coordination.

We continue to need better ways of dealing with tear gas, which for the third night demo in a row succeeded in dispersing the crowd.

We are thrilled that we can have combative anarchist demonstrations that don’t need to piggyback on student mobilizations and which can exist outside the scheduled times for street fighting, such as March 15th and May Day. When combative demos only occur in the course of reformist mass struggles they are framed as useful only insofar as riots strengthen our rapport of force with the State, increasing the likelihood of the State meeting the movement’s demands (against austerity, police violence, etc). Combative demonstrations without demands put an anarchist analysis of power into practice: by refusing to frame our struggles in terms of demands, we refuse the crumbs which the State offers us, we refuse their attempts to reassert control and legitimacy, and we learn to create our own power, which is much harder for them to take away. To develop our power, to develop an autonomous anarchist struggle in this city and to undertake conflict with authority outside of predesignated timelines, narratives and terrains – these are worthy goals in and of themselves.

The frequent manif-actions during the strike habituated us to demo-actions of a few hundred people making blockades and occupations possible. Combative demonstrations open up a new possibility of direct action with the capacity to directly strike urban targets otherwise difficult to attack (transportation infrastructure, police stations, etc…) or to defend liberated territories (ZAD, squats, etc…). Developing a habit of calling for demonstrations like those in the last weeks allows anarchists to have autonomy from reformist social movements. It is necessary to call these demos to punctuate daily life with this destructive rage, whether it be to give force to anarchist events, or in direct response to attacks on our struggles.

Further resources countering the agent provocateur narrative:
In defense of the Black Bloc: disproving the accusations against those who wear masks

Photographs of suspected undercovers :

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8.5″ x 14″ | PDF

Private patrol car sabotaged for a black December

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Dec 142015
 

Black-December2

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

No peace for the defenders of commodity-society!

In the early hours of Wednesday Dec 2, we punctured the tires of a patrol car belonging to the private security company Garda on the corner of St-Jacques and Irene in the Montreal neighborhood of St-Henri. Garda provides prison, security and deportation services, profiting intensely from many aspects of this burning dumpster of an existence under capitalism. So, you know, fuck ’em. We claim this action within the context of the international call for a black December by imprisoned Greek anarchists. Through this communique, we wish to express our sincerest criminal complicity with all fugitive and incarcerated anarchist comrades around the world.

Black December is everywhere.

The Black Bloc Takes Back the Streets of Montreal

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Dec 122015
 

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On the night of Wednesday December 9, a demonstration against austerity took the streets of Montreal, under the banner “Our Struggle Is Not Negotiable“. Québec’s public sector had held a general strike earlier the same day, and some union leaders have been supporting mobilizations on a scale not seen for decades in an effort to increase their bargaining power.

The callout read: We won’t let ourselves be pacified by a sell-out agreement or by a special law. To the front: our struggle is non-negotiable, we won’t back down. The night of December 9th, let’s retake the street. Let’s warm the city with our footsteps and our shouts!

A week earlier, during the night demo of November 30th, a smaller-but-determined bloc had smashed a cop car immediately upon taking the street, entering into a fifteen-minute battle with riot police who were hitting people with batons and plastic bullets at the intersection of Sainte-Catherine street and Bleury street. The successes of the 30th helped provide momentum for the 9th, and the tension and excitement were palpable as participants began to gather at Berri Square.

Barricades on Nov. 30

Barricades on Nov. 30

A few dozen black flags were distributed throughout the burgeoning crowd. Upon taking the street and heading west on Maisonneuve avenue, those who were not masked from the get-go began to cover themselves up. Within minutes, most participants in the 200-person demonstration had concealed their identities, forming potentially the largest black bloc in Montreal since 2012. Our enemies in the mass media didn’t even try to frame the destruction that unfolded as the work of outside agitators as they often do; the bloc was undeniably constitutive of the entire demo.

Early on, half a dozen people swarmed an obnoxious Québécois nationalist who shows up to nearly every demo and snatched away his Québec flag and sign, punching him in the throat when he tried to hold on to his props.

Ten minutes into the demonstration, riot police formed a line to our front and right, at the intersection of Maisonneuve avenue and Saint-Dominique street, trying to funnel us south where they were preparing the same maneuver at Sainte-Dominique street and Sainte-Catherine street. Their strategy was clear: to contain us in the Quartier Latin and away from the prime targets in and around the business district, including the police headquarters. The crowd had the collective intelligence to not let the police determine our route, and reversed upon itself, heading east on Maisonneuve avenue. Masked groups were seen sharing rocks, and the crowd darted south through a parking lot and housing project courtyard to get onto Sainte-Catherine street, where the police had not had time to form new lines to restrict our movement.

What followed was a half hour of riotous cat-and-mouse in which the crowd stayed one step ahead of police control. A group of six bike police on Sainte-Catherine street who were naively approaching to flank the demonstration were attacked with a hail of rocks. Surges of excitement were felt in the crowd as the cops were struck with fear along with projectiles, and rapidly fled east out of view. It was on.

The demonstration made a sprint toward René-Lévesque Boulevard, while those further back chanted calls to stay close together. The demonstration took up all six lanes on René-Lévesque, and looking around, our capacity for destruction appeared significant. The semi-armored units with plastic-bullet guns that typically march along each side of the demo were nowhere to be seen, having been blind-sided with volleys of rocks to the back of the head during the demo the week before. For a breathless twenty-minute stretch, the demo acted as a grand criminal conspiracy. Hammers, flag poles, rocks, and the removable metal garbage canisters on every street corner were used to smash the windows of Citizenship & Immigration Canada, construction conglomerate and defense contractor SNC-Lavelin, several banks, and other buildings. For a festive touch, people also wrecked the Christmas decorations assembled at office building entrances, and overturned SNC-Lavelin’s Christmas tree. A few participants ran ahead and broke the back window of a police van with rocks, while others shot off some very large fireworks at the remaining vans positioned in front of the demo. Cheers erupted with the sound of every shattered window. Unknown accomplices could be seen searching for and sharing projectiles; when the demo passed a construction site, comrades ran ahead to find any materials that could be pillaged, and were successful in breaking up decorative stones along René-Lévesque into throwable chunks.

Police began shooting tear gas while trailing the demo to the east on René-Lévesque, using guns that can fire each canister more than a block. At first, it wasn’t successful in dispersing the demo because the crowd just moved west faster while staying relatively tight. The demonstration began to head north on University, smashing yet another Bank of Montreal window as it passed by. The demo split when faced with a cop car blocking a smaller street, but quickly managed to regroup with itself and responded by howling joyfully. At this point, the police continued to fire tear gas and the crowd had thinned to around 50 people. People began to disperse to the surrounding streets, while groups of police and vans continued to harass small groups of demonstrators walking along the sidewalks back to Berri Square. The Media reported one arrest of a minor for obstructing police work, but no charges related to the mayhem.

Moving forward

Against one of the largest and most experienced riot policing squads in North America, those who took the streets on Wednesday decidedly swung the balance of forces in our favor, at least briefly.

We felt moved to write a reportback because we see a lot of potential in the determination and preparedness of the crowd, and have some further thoughts for how we might expand the scope of these moments, both quantitatively and qualitatively. For now, we offer a few notes on tactics which could expand the time and space of combative demonstrations. Ultimately, though, we want to escape the pattern of being successfully fought out of the streets after smashing a few windows and break with this routine of containment.

This could look like:

  • Bringing rocks, fireworks, and tools along (if it feels safe) so that we have fighting capacity right from the get-go and aren’t completely dependent on scavenging for projectiles on the street.
  • Barricades are our friends, and we don’t give them enough love. Participants can fight behind them at standoffs to prevent charging dispersals, and they also function to disrupt the city in our wake and make police maneuvers more difficult to coordinate. Establishing them behind the demo (ideally in a way that doesn’t obstruct the movement of the demo itself) can also effectively block trailing police cars.
  • Participants can scavenge materials for projectiles to share with the crowd in the time between confrontations, so that when the police inevitably come in harder, people are ready to respond effectively.
  • The police cars trailing the demonstration and in front of it should consistently receive projectiles so they can’t be within throwing distance.
  • Bike cops or riot police should be forcefully prevented from flanking the sides of the demonstration. If necessary, participants can hold the sidewalks as well as the streets.
  • On the 9th, many people were recording the events on their cell phones undisturbed. Ideally, we’d have a culture of explaining to people how this is harmful, and then proceeding to take action against them or their recording devices if necessary. We should note, however, that several independent media initiatives who regularly film at demos appear to have solid practices of not recording or publishing incriminating video. In a video posted to YouTube of Wednesday’s demo, for instance, the camera pans up to avoid filming people destroying property, as the sound of glass shattering can be heard.
  • Tear gas eventually functioned to disperse the demos on both the 30th and the 9th, despite some efforts to throw back the canisters and prepare vinegar-soaked cloths. The main problem appeared to be panic spreading in the crowd, not necessarily the physical effects of tear gas. It is possible that more careful efforts to encourage people to stick together and proceed in an intelligent direction can continue diminishing the impacts of police weapons.
  • Questions of discourse and propaganda: why, as anarchists, do we smash the city? How are these actions connected to austerity? How do our struggles exceed any reformist, demands-oriented focus? Though moments of conflictual action bring together many individuals with divergent perspectives and intentions, it would be interesting for participants to communicate their analyses in these moments of destruction. Smaller crews could come prepared and wheatpaste the streets with posters, put up graffiti, or throw flyers from within the demo or from higher-vantage points.

These ideas mean little on paper, but we look forward to the possibility of elaborating them together in the streets. Our hearts are warmed by the sparks that constitute our history of collective revolts, and the potential for these sparks to catch, because we desire nothing less than a city in ruins.

sncsmash

SNC-Lavalin recieved special attention.

To print: 8.5″ x 14″ | PDF

The Economy of Power

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Nov 112015
 

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This was originally written as a reflection after visiting friends while they were imprisoned in Mexico City. They have now been released, but the discussions we had concerning dignity and responses to repression are still relevant. I hope that this can contribute to ongoing discussions within Montreal and elsewhere about how and when anarchists interact with repression, and maintenance of dignity.

The Economy of Power

“Face à un monde aussi exécrable, que ce soit ici ou dehors, la seule chose que t’as, c’est ta dignité. Quand tu l’as vends, peu importe si t’as bien encaissé, tu l’a vendue, ta dignité. A l’interieur de toi, t’es déjà mort.”

“When faced with such an abhorrent world, either here or outside, the only thing that you have is your dignity. When you’ve sold it, regardless of whether you got a good price for it, you’ve sold it—your dignity. Inside yourself, you’re already dead.”

– de Nordin Benallal
publier dans le journal anarchiste bruxellois Hors Service.

I’m hanging out with my friends in the courtyard of Santa Martha, one of the prisons in Mexico City, DF (Federal District). We’re drinking sweet milky coffees and working on our tans/sunburns, surrounded by mommas cuddling their kids, picnics, and couples fucking. My friends are here facing charges related to an attack that occurred on a Nissan dealership in DF, in early january 2014. It’s possible they could be here for a while, but instead of dwelling on that, we’re shooting the shit and talking about everything from crushes, gossip back home, and obviously, anarchy.

One conversation that comes up the most frequently has been about dignity, and what it means to preserve it in different contexts.  We talk about how any insubordination inside prison, even resisting a strip search, can mean beatings and being moved to solitary confinement. Any resistance can  result in a prisoner’s  ‘privileges’, such as visit from friends and family, being taken away from them. An accumulation of this ‘bad behaviour’ can result in a lifetime of imprisonment. Everyday, our friends who are locked up here make the choice as to whether to act seemingly obediently, or to refuse co-operation—which risks their physical and emotional health. As in life outside, some decisions are made prioritizing dignity, and others, comfort.

It’s through these conversations that I realize that, though dignity is a word that we pretend we have a generalized understanding of, everyone has a different and specific definition for what it means.  To me, dignity is the process of being accountable to an internal sense of self-worth. As an anarchist, it is knowing that I am deserving of autonomy and freedom; and it is the steps that I take to ensure this truth.

Using this definition, any time I let another body define my self-worth; any time I don’t have complete authority over how I spend my days, I lose an amount of my dignity. But it isn’t as simple as that—dignity isn’t only lost, it’s traded. It is the currency of power, and is traded back and forth for varying degrees of comfort and relative freedom.

I keep thinking about the dignity I traded to get here. About the three rounds of bag searches and body searches to get into Santa Martha. I’m thinking about how I’ve been exploiting my privilege and exchanging my dignity for an easy border crossing. Even before arriving, I was trading my agency over my how I spent my days for the money to buy the flight here. I’m thinking about how, every fucking day I’m alive, I exchange some amount of freedom, of sovereignty, of dignity for “comfort”. Every time I don’t hop the metro turnstiles, in every instance I pay for food, every moment I participate in capitalism and facilitate society, I am exchanging my dignity for ease and comfort.

Dignity is traded in an economy of power. This is most apparent in prison, where the outside social power structures are an amplified version inside the walls.  For example, in canadian prisons, the material items which help preserve an internal sense of humanity (coffee, toothpaste, postage stamps, etc.) are bought through the canteen. Money buys better lawyers, and with them comes a greater chance that the state will address the abuses faced by their clients at the hands of the prison, and thus “grant” the dignity of better treatment. Even a plea to the state authorities is a participation in the economy of dignity, and in reinforces their monopoly on dignity in prison. This exchange of money for dignity operates on the same economic level as the rest of canadian society.

This economy of power only became clear to me after visiting my friends in mexican prison because the mexican prison system is less bureaucratized. Although there is a formal economy inside (within the prison’s ‘tienda’–equivalent to a canteen), there is also a more evident informal economic system (people create their own markets and jobs), as well as a more informal economy of dignity/power: bribes. If you want to hold onto a scrap of dignity by not being patted down intensely, just slip the guards a 200 peso note. Want to bring in some letters from home? Slide a 20 across the table… Within this economy of power, what does it mean to maintain dignity? What would it mean to prevent it from becoming currency in circulation? And how many times a day do we trade it for relative comfort?

According to anarchist tendencies, here are some of the ways in which dignity is maintained:

– Through hunger strikes inside and outside of prisons
– Through refusing to sign restrictive bail conditions, and thereby refusing to give the state the authority to explicitly and systemically surveil and control one’s actions.
– Through refusing searches of one’s body, home and belongings
– Through a refusal to recognize the courts as having authority and jurisdiction over their lives and bodies.
– Through going ‘on the run’ or ‘underground’ instead of facing prison sentences
– Through refusing to co-operate with police investigations or snitch on friends and comrades.

It is telling that the moments where we think about and discuss dignity are when it is about to be stolen—in the times that the state has responded to our actions with increased repression. Dignity exists outside of these moments, and it is important to think about how we can maintain it in the everyday. It should go without saying that depending on how each individual defines their own freedom and sovereignty, this process of dignity reclamation in daily life will take different corresponding forms.

I wonder what it would look like if there was a culture here of anarchists defending their dignity, especially within the judicial process. The only time I have seen strong and consistent resistance to the canadian court system has been from individuals from several native communities, who refuse to recognize the legitimacy of the courts. Other times, when I have seen non-native anarchists or anti-authoritarians try to maintain their dignity in the face of the courts , these acts have been dismissed as being “not worth it”. A small gesture, like refusing to rise when the judge enters a courtroom, is considered “too costly”. It is generally understood that the discomfort of the cost—anything from a dirty look from a court cop to being charged with contempt of court—simply isn’t worth the assertion of dignity. Through the reinforcement of this understanding, we have set the price of our dignity—and it’s pretty low. What would it look like if we, who saw our hearts reflected in those who maintained their dignity during their court process, were to act in solidarity with them? What would it take to create a culture that supported these types of actions, instead of looking upon them as insignificant, or ‘not worth it’?

While I want to see and practice more examples of dignity being maintained, I don’t want to participate in the creation of informal standards or silent expectations for how an anarchist should act with dignity, regardless of how that individual defines it. This expectation is at risk of being enforced by spokespeople, and is eerily reminiscent of the creation of idols, martyrs, and heroes. In the past, I’ve witnessed situations where an anarchist is imprisoned or undergoing a court process, and they become the “face of anarchism”, and as such, are held to certain responsibilities and codes of conduct. This type of treatment pretends that the judicial and penal system are somehow separate from this society. The fundamental values and character of an individual doesn’t change simply because they enter a courtroom—their actions both in and outside of the judicial process will be mirrored. If we, as anarchists, try to hold those who are locked up to an informal set of behavioural expectations, we reproduce the dictatorship of the morality of our society.

No one has the responsibility to either represent or inspire me, though I do feel affinity with and find inspiration from people who go on hunger strike, or refuse to sign conditions, or who keep their mouths shut in the face of intense repression. I’m inspired and excited because I know that they are acting these ways to maintain their dignity, I feel solidarity and complicity with people for whom maintaining their dignity is the only fucking available option. It isn’t about ‘showing the state that you can maintain your dignity’. It isn’t about ‘proving’ anything to the state and  security apparatuses. It is about finding dignity in an internal authenticity.

I feel affinity not with people who are playing a specific role, for the creation or maintenance of some godforbidden ‘strategy’–I feel affinity with people who, in their cores, know that there is a part of them that cannot be stolen, cannot be corrupted by capitalism or this society. I am inspired by those who know that, as long as they keep that part of themselves intact, they cannot be broken.

Aug 282015
 

Last night, a few friends painted a flaming police cruiser in the neighborhood of Hochelaga along the main boulevard, inspired by the struggle against police in St. Louis and Ferguson. Solidarity with all the rebels out on the streets learning how to fight the police together. Despite the more successful enforcement of social peace in Montreal at the moment, your acts and words resonate with the furthering of hostilities towards white supremacy, the State, and capital in our context.

bruletoute