Montréal Contre-information
Montréal Contre-information
Montréal Contre-information

mtlcounter-info

Report-back on the Demo Against the “March for Life”

 Comments Off on Report-back on the Demo Against the “March for Life”
May 282018
 

Anonymous Submission to MTL Counter-info

Each May, thousands of people meet in Ottawa for the “March for Life,” an initiative of organisations opposed to free choice and free information concerning the voluntary termination of pregnancy. This year, it was on May 10th that the anti-choice demonstrators took the streets of the capital city to demonstrate against the rights of women (and every person with a uterus) to control their own body, to have the right to an abortion. The Riposte Feministe organised a Montreal contingent to join the counter demonstration with feminist groups from Outaouais and Ottawa. We were about 50 people leaving from Berri-UQAM station that morning, caffeinated with indignation.

The demo departed from Confederation Park, downtown, where there were already activists distributing pamphlets to passers by. For about an hour, women and those of diverse sexual and gender identities spoke about the common themes of defense of bodily autonomy in all its expressions, colonial and imperial state institutions who silence the voices of gender oppressed people, and the right to safe, accessible, and legal abortions.

At 1:30pm, we left the park, strong and in solidarity, to block the departure of the “Pro-Life” demonstration, a hypocritical name that distracts from the real meanings of this conservative position: the desire to control women and their bodies, the discrimination against LGBTQIA+ people, and racism. Despite our smaller numbers, we formed a solid and vocal opposition that effectively prevented the anti-choice demonstration from advancing. After almost an hour of resistance, the antifeminist camp gave up and moved back. This was the most significant symbolic moment of the day.

The counter-demonstration split in two to attempt to again block the demonstration, who had continued their march on another parallel street. We took another smaller perpendicular street to reach them. The police passed us in order to create an impenetrable wall out of their bicycles to prevent us from crossing the intersection. This enclosure was a police repression tactic: one consisting of making a revolutionary radical subject exist; us, a dangerous and violent counter gang. The cops weren’t looking to destroy us, but rather to produce us as a political subject. As the Invisible Committee explained it in To Our Friends: “When repression strikes us, let’s begin by not taking ourselves for ourselves. Let’s dissolve the fantastical terrorist subject which the counterinsurgency theorists take such pains to impersonate, a subject the representation of which serves mainly to produce the “population” as a foil—the population as an apathetic and apolitical heap, an immature mass just good enough for being governed, for having its hunger pangs and consumer dreams satisfied.”

Our non-violent intentions were clear from the beginning of the counter-demo. We expressed our anger peacefully. The police repression that we experienced was therefore unjustifiable through excuses of safety. It is evident that the force they used served to legitimize the “Pro-Life” position. It was an undeniable demonstration of support for anti-feminist arguments, camouflaged under a supposed responsibility to protect the uncontestable freedom of expression in a neoliberal society.

The repression also served to reduce our positions to unfounded and violent postures. The cops succeeded in inverting the backlash, transferring the violence of the anti-choice position onto us, who were only affirming our rights to our own bodies. This allowed them to open the path for a openly violent masculinist and anti-feminist demonstration to turn toward our immobilized and thus vulnerable contingent.

The “peace line,” formed by cops, reinforced the old dualist paradigm, creating an opposition: on one side, the good citizens defending the right to life, and on the other, the gang of violent insurgents. But we must not forget that the real violence is found on the protected side. This demonstration reflects the rise of the far right and of fascism in North America. We could read slogans such as “All Lives Matter”, “Make Canada Great Again,” and “Not Your Body Not Your Choice”. The majority of these posters were held by cisgender white men. What’s more, there were many high school students, mostly coming from catholic schools, who came with their pro-life signs made in class, which reflects state and systemic indoctrination imposed from a very young age.

Let’s continue to denounce neo-nazi and fascist movements so we don’t normalize violence like this. Let’s be in solidarity with Indigenous peoples, racialized people, women, and people of diverse genders and sexualities! Despite the emotional, psychological, and physical difficulties, this counter demo brought forward activist voices past and present and served to remind us that we still need to fight. Thanks to the Montreal Riposte Feministe for reminding us of the living force of our community.

Soldiers of Odin in Montreal: The Police are (Still) Protecting the Nazis!

 Comments Off on Soldiers of Odin in Montreal: The Police are (Still) Protecting the Nazis!
May 282018
 

From Montréal-Antifasciste

On Saturday, May 12, there was a demonstration in the Rosemont-La Petite-Patrie neighbourhood of Montréal to publicly denounce the presence of Gabriel Sohier Chaput, a neo-Nazi ideologue with close ties to Daily Stormer, one of the most influential sites for neo-Nazi propaganda in the world today. Antifascists in Montréal revealed that Sohier Chaput, whose primary pseudonym is “Zeiger,” lived until recently at 6308 rue Fabre. Zeiger was also the key coordinator of a so-called “Stormer Book Club” in Montréal, a social club for young men who identify with the neo-Nazi alt-right.

For several months, Montréal antifascists have known that another Nazi sympathizer, Philippe Gendron, who has been mentioned several times before on this site, also lives on rue Fabre. Philippe Gendron is one of the pisspot leaders of the Québec section of the Soldiers of Odin, an anti-immigrant organisation founded in Finland in 2015 by Mika Ranta, a notorious white supremacist connected to the Nordic Resistance Movement. We’ve previously mentioned that Gendron is one of the pinheads who tried to organize the demonstration against the housing of Haitian refugees at the Olympic Stadium in August 2017, which ended up being a total flop when one after another the key far-right organizations in Québec pulled their support from the event for fear of being associated with Nazis.

The Soldiers of Odin continue to consistently deny being racist or even opposing immigration. On March 21, during a ridiculous intervention at Cégep Édouard-Montpetit meant to disrupt a conference on the far right in Québec, Katy Latulippe, Soldiers of Odin “provincial president” and “Canadian spokesperson,” denied that Mika Ranta is still associated with the organization, sarcastically suggesting that it was absurd to even think of the Soldiers of Odin as neo-Nazis. However, in May 2018, Mika Ranta could still be seen in public sporting his Soldiers of Odin colours, and he remains quite close to the current supreme pontiff of the organization, Kimmo Pekkarinen.

“I don’t know what else I can say,” she stammered, when the guest speakers at the conference asked her to clarify exactly what she thought was erroneous in their presentations. So much for that.

The founder of the Soldiers of Odin, the neo-Nazi Mika Ranta, still sporting the organizations colours on May 20, 2018.

Philippe Gendron is a friend of Kimmo Pekkarinen, international leader of the far-right anti-immigrant network, the Soldiers of Odin. Note the comment “White Pride 1488”; 1488 is a reference to the “14 words,”a universally recognized Nazi code, and to “Heil Hitler,” the letter “H” being the eighth letter of the alphabet. The filigree pattern on Gendron’s profile photo is the “black sun,” another Nazi symbol.

Any hope the Soldiers of Odin Québec had of disclaiming the racist trash that their crew attracts went out the window on May 12, 2018, when around twenty individuals with connections to different far-right groups in Québec (some who have no qualms about making it clear that they are neo-Nazis) gathered at Philippe Gendron’s home to protect it “from the antifa,” who, in their paranoid fantasies, were coming with a mob to destroy his house! (The SPVM’s foot soldiers got entirely caught up in this delirium as well. A local resident was told that the riot squad was widely deployed throughout the area to prevent the anti-racist demonstration from “destroying the apartment.”)

Anyone who saw the photos of this demonstration in the media or elsewhere can see that it was made up of a little more than a hundred people, primarily families, young people, and older people with their faces uncovered so that they could directly interact with neighbourhood residents. Not exactly the spectre of terrorism that was haunting the fascists and the police.

Anti-racist demonstration in front of the house of neo-Nazi propagandist Gabriel Sohier Chaput, alias Zeiger, at 6308 Fabre, in Montréal, on May 12th, 2018. Photo: Document Everything

After a short stop in front of Sohier Chaput’s house, the anti-racist demonstration went up Fabre street toward Gendron’s apartment, located only a couple of blocks north. At the junction of Saint-Zotique and Fabre, protesters were stopped by an imposing police blockade, with a van parked across the street and riot cops spread out on either side to prevent people from taking the sidewalk.

Antiracist demonstration at the corner of rue Fabre and rue Saint-Zotique in Montréal, a short distance from the home of Philippe Gendron, a militant neo-Nazi in the Soldiers of Odin Québec, May 12, 2018. Photo: Document Everything

Less than a hundred metres away we could see a group of people nervously milling around the sidewalk outside of 6735 rue Fabre, where Gendron lives.

A group of people who mobilized outside of neo-Nazi Philippe Gendron’s home, at 6735 rue Fabre in Montréal, May 12, 2018.

A group of people who mobilized outside of neo-Nazi Philippe Gendron’s home, at 6735 rue Fabre in Montréal, May 12, 2018.

In a series of videos posted online by Robin “le prophète” Simon, we hear him say four or five times that the group of fascists gathered has nothing to fear, because the police are there to protect them.

After about ten minutes at this intersection, explaining to local residents and passersby the reason for the demonstration, the march carried on to Fabre metro, where people calmly dispersed after posters were hung and leaflets circulated about both Gabriel Sohier Chaput and Philippe Gendron. That brought the event to its conclusion, for now . . .

Antiracist demonstration in Rosemont-La Petite-Patrie, May 12, 2018. Photo: Document Everything

A few notes on the bonehead Philippe Gendron…

Let’s check out a few photos of this guy, so that everyone can clearly see that Philippe Gendron of the Soldiers of Odin is really and truly a neo-Nazi, and so are the people who continue to defend him. Which is to say: if you can still defend him after you see the evidence of his ideological alignment, you are no better than him and his little neo-Nazi friends.

Philippe Gendron, Soldiers of Odin

Philippe Gendron of the Soldiers of Odin gives the Nazi salute in the company of Benoit Asselin, a close associate of the Québec Stomper Crew.

Philippe Gendron of the Soldiers of Odin showing off a made-to-order flag that combines the fleur de lys with the black sun, an occult Nazi symbol.

Philippe Gendron of the Soldiers of Odin wearing a belt buckle in the form of the Totenkopf, the immediately recognizable emblem of the Waffen-SS, the Nazi shock troops.

Philippe Gendron of the Soldiers of Odin, larping a tough guy at the Front patriotique du Québec demonstration, April 23, 2017.

Philippe Gendron of the Soldiers of Odinin 2017. Note the Fédération des Québécois de souche sticker.

Nonetheless, let’s take a moment to congratulate Katy and Philippe for having found love in this cruel world. We truly hope your love story will prove more solid and more long-lasting than Phillipe’s previous fucked up relationships. It would be a shame to see your little group of boneheads implode as a result of love lost.

A detail to keep in mind is that Gendron is still working for Pizzeria Villeray, on rue Villeray, at the corner of Saint-Denis.

A little bit about the special attention Montreal antifascists have paid to the Soldiers of Odin…

On May 13, Norm SoO posted a short note on the Soldiers of Odin’s public Facebook page to the effect that his group of racist boneheads had recently been victims of “persecution at the hands of the antifa” [d’acharnement de la part des antifas]. It is true that several members of the Soldiers of Odin suffered consequences in the recent past. An anonymous article published by Montréal Contre-info last March tells us that Katy Latulippe, Stéphane Blouin, and Simon Arcand had their automobiles vandalized, confirming Norm SoO’s report. As well, Philippe Gendron complained in an article in Vice about being attacked outside his home.

What Norm SoO fails to make clear in his callout for snitches is that his group has been openly provoking antifascists for months, not only by “patrolling” the streets of downtown and Petite-Patrie flying their coloursas we’ve already documented, but by tearing down posters, stealing banners,  and planting their flag at the sites of far-left projects in Montréal, and then bragging on Facebook about “cleaning house” while the antifascists did nothing to stop them.

“Wondering… If the streets are really so ‘antifa’, why don’t we ever see any of them?”

“Is this all you’re capable of, some shitty graffiti?”

Obviously that kind of behaviour calls for a response, and only a complete moron plays with fire without expecting to burn his fingers at some point.

The group of people mobilized to defend Gendron on May 12th…

Back to the contingent of racists gathered outside of 6735 rue Fabre on May 12. Here’s a photo gallery of the individuals who showed up at Philippe Gendron’s place to protect this Nazi shit stain.

Ian Alarie (SoO)
(Note: the acronym NSBM on his t-shirt refers to  National-Socialist black metal, and specifically to Misanthropic Division—Vinland.)
David Leblanc (SoO)
Danny Bédard (SoO)
Burn SoO
Pascal Giroux (SoO)
Katy Latulippe (SoO)

William Dou (Storm Alliance)
Daniel Fortin (Storm Alliance)
Sylvain Lacroix (Front patriotique du Québec)
André Lavigueur
Robin « le prophète » Simon (a crappy cameraman with a bad case of the shakes)
Robert Proulx (III%)
Shawn Roy (III%)
Éric Vachon (III%)
(III%)
(SoO)
 
Mario Dallaire
 
 
 

 

Alliances between different far-right groups confirmed…

To conclude, it’s worth noting that many of the individuals presented above were also at the Storm Alliance anti-refugee demonstration at the border on May 19.This growing cross-pollination confirms something we’ve been saying for more than a year; the members of these various groups know each other and get together regularly, as part of a continuum going from the disgruntled racists in La Meute through the neo-fascists in Atalante to the alt-right neo-Nazis like Shawn Beauvais-MacDonald, pulling in the militia larping Three Percent on the way.

 

 

 

 

 

First Anti-G7 Banner Drop in Saguenay

 Comments Off on First Anti-G7 Banner Drop in Saguenay
May 262018
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

One cold morning, the anti-G7 collective « Saumons la terreur » spawned downstream to the Bagotville military base to drop its first banner: “G7, Stay Home, Use Skype,” in protest of the summit being held in June 2018 in La Malbaie.

We act to point out that the Charlevoix region is already completely paralyzed by drastic and disproportionate security measures put in place at a high price by the Canadian and Quebec governments to welcome dignitaries, even though a simple video-conference would have sufficed. We intentionally chose the Bagotville base, an important international entry point for the region, to show our disapproval of the arrival of these leaders and the deployment of the Canadian Forces to assure their safety.

It is deplorable that the media coverage of the issues raised by the G7 is practically non-existent. The numerous substantive criticisms brought forward by various community groups are barely heard in traditional networks of information sharing, drowned out by a campaign of fear brought to legitimize the millions of dollars sucked from public funds which will serve to finance the ridiculous security protecting this political masquerade.

The G7, under the cover of a peaceful and progressive agenda, seems to us to be nothing more than a manifestation of institutional violence. We believe that the countries forming the G7 constitute themselves the principal reasons that the world’s social inequalities exist. Other actions against the G7 are to be expected, both in the region and across the province.

Wheatpasting the Revolution: An Interview with Zola

 Comments Off on Wheatpasting the Revolution: An Interview with Zola
May 242018
 

From It’s Going Down

Few street artists have captured the sights, feels, and emotions of combative social movements as well as Zola, an anarchist based in so-called Montreal. Bringing to the streets high color posters, stickers, and artwork that reflects anarchist, antifascist, and anti-pipeline battles – among others, their work has become a staple in the area as well as synonymous with the growing anarchist movement in the city. Wanting to know more about Zola, their work, and what drives them, we caught up with them to find out more about the artist behind the posters.

IGD: How did you get interested in street art and graffiti? Was it before you became an anarchist?

I was around anarchist circles way before I started to be active in street art, but I had also already been looking into street art websites and owned a few street art books for a long while. It might be lame to say so today, but Banksy was definitely a big inspiration back then. Like many others, he introduced me to all the possibilities street art could offer in terms of anti-capitalist discourse.

For me, the merging of street art and anarchist activism really took off around the Occupy movement. Back then I was interested in the subversiveness of feminist and femme mediums like textile and yarn-bombing clashing with the mostly very masculine world of graffiti and privatized public spaces. With my collective during those 2011-2013 years, we experimented a lot in form while I solidified my radical discourse.

That’s also the period I realized that anarchists and radical politics people could be very easily suspicious or hateful towards experimentation and art, and navigating between different scenes like this could be socially costly on both sides. That period really created the experience and the activist art network to base off the wheatpaste practice I have now.

IGD: What was your process of radicalization? 

I think like most, I radicalized the moment I physically realized the system was there to maintain oppression instead of peace. The student movement here has always had it rough with police repression, and being chased off by someone paid by the state with a fucking shield and stick to beat you up has got to radicalize you pretty fast. This gave me the will to reach for anti-oppressive politics in social movements and make friends with folks with very diverse life backgrounds and experience of racial, environmental and other forms of state violence.

IGD: There’s so much talk of graffiti vs street art, and vice versa. What is your take? Why do you choose to work often with posters and wheatpaste? 

Wheatpasting really works for me because I can take the time to prepare something I am aesthetically satisfied with in the safety of my home, and then install it outside in an instant. I never had the opportunity or guts to practice and learn can control or draw freehand.

In terms of scenes or cultures, I guess I have a love/hate relationship with both graffiti and street art. I think there’s a lot of idiots and haters out there, but also a lot of good folks doing the good work in both mediums. Obviously what makes it complicated nowadays is the monetization of those cultures and how capitalism slowly creeps into every artist’s mind.

IGD: What motivates you to present the images and characters that you do?

I started illustrating queer and femme black bloc when I felt both the need to address stereotypes of skinny white men as the street fighter figure and the desire to make more visible the presence of radical politics within the city. My experience of bloc is that there are a lot of fucking badass women involved in this tactic but they are often invisibilised by that one louder dude who gets in front of the photojournalist’s shot. I wanted to show a more real and diverse image of bloc peeps and masked protesters.

It was also the year following the 2012 student strike and I felt Montreal needed to normalize the practice of bloc and showing another face of it might remind everyone we out here, we ain’t going anywhere. Since I started this series now 5 years ago, I’ve just pushed the allegory case study as far as I could, questioning the obsession our radical visual culture has with the masked figure.

IGD: So much of the stuff you have put up is so playful and joyful, this seems counter poised to often the more ‘negative’ aspects of anarchist graffiti and street art, even if some of the images you are choosing are clearly “militant.” Is this a conscious choice to present often joyful subjects?

I might have started doing this series with the idea of speaking to the “greater population,” but I feel like with time I felt more comfortable aiming my work to speak to other folk who engage in the struggle. Stumbling upon positive images of resisting figures around the street corner is a boost in morale for my peeps. I don’t know about joyfulness, I still don’t quite get that Spinoza thing. But using bright colors and a tidy illustration style are a conscious choice to divert from the very strict typical anarchist aesthetics. It is a style I naturally tend towards, having read so much manga in my younger years.

IGD: How does street art and graffiti play into the wider anarchist movement in Montreal? Are there lots of anarchist graffiti writers and/or street artists in Montreal and the surrounding area?

Montreal is blessed with a very big bastion of anarchist activism that has influences in many scenes including street art and graffiti. There aren’t really anarchist-identified street artists per se, except me I guess, but radical politics are present in many street artists’ work and a lot of anarchists will go out to put up event posters, stickers, or spend a summer on a street art project.

The city also has its share of anarchist and radical politics related graffiti poetry, slogans and vandalism. You can’t walk two blocks in Hochelaga-Maisonneuve without encountering a sprayed circle A or a “fuck the patriarchy.”

There is also a pretty big graff crew which is/used to be an Antifa gang who did some activism and street fighting. Nowadays they mostly just write NTFA and I would say most of everyone don’t know that their crew name is short for ANTIFA, haha ?

IGD: We know there’s been backlash and heat to anarchists in Ontario as well as MTL Counter-Info, has the spotlight hit your work at all? 

To my knowledge, I only get a few lone troll comments once in a while. We do have a small problem with a few active Alt-Right guys in the streets but nothing that worries me. In terms of coppers, well who knows if they are building a file on me?

IGD: Do you feel like images can convey things that words cannot, in terms of political graffiti and art? Seems like an easy thing more anarchists could be experimenting with. 

Yes absolutely! I hate how everything is always red and black with a stencil font and has to be so literal. I feel like people are finally getting somewhere creatively with the meme culture and the spread of rad online pages and imagery but anarchism definitely has so much more potential to develop a nuanced visual discourse and different styles.

IGD: We’ve heard in Montreal there is at times a language barrier between Anglophones and Francophones. How do people overcome this? 

This is definitely true. I’m francophone, got into rad politics in the francophone student movement. I knew literally not one Anglophone person for years. I was able to break the language barrier by networking with QPPIRG-Concordia groups and make Anglophone friends. Friendship is absolutely the way to go! The city is not that big.

IGD: In terms of large scale struggles or eruptions, such as the student strike in Montreal, how can political graffiti and art play a role?

I see graffiti and illegal street art as direct action. It is a legitimate part of a social movement in itself, disrupting capitalism and taking back public space.

I would even dare say that art and visual culture played a central role in the 2012 Student Strike. I don’t know of an art medium that wasn’t found in the streets in some way or another during that time. One of the main roles of art in social movements is creating an identity people can refer themselves to. There is nothing like a strong sense of belonging to loyalize someone to a cause. It is also a gateway into activism and a real way to play out accessibility within a diversity of tactics strategy. Some might not be able to go to a protest knowing riot cops will be there, but they can come to the stitch and bitch and talk about that last Bell Hooks book they read, or bring their toddler to a live-printing activity in the park before the demo.

More broadly, I think graffiti and street art reflect the people’s ethos, so a revolutionary time will offer opportunity to develop revolutionary street art practices. Mediums are bound to change though, with the evolution of capitalism and the co-option of rebellious cultures. I don’t know which form it will take in the future. We are already seeing a decline in political murals and wheatpaste in the Western World, but people always find a way to be creative in periods of social unrest.

IGD: How can anarchists make better inroads into the broader graffiti culture, which often is very open to the anarchist movement at times? 

Art and activism are most difficult to bridge on the cultural level. They are often not the same people: Artists don’t want to go to meetings and anarchists restrain themselves in creative experimentation (they focus on the press release). I’ve experienced this many times when I was the only street artist attending a meeting to plan an activist-led street art outing, or the only activist trying to organize a meeting to plan a street related project with artists. It might seem silly and superficial but culture really does create barriers.

On one side I want to say that Montreal anarchists are already very active with spraypaint. On another, I feel like the local graff culture that belongs to Hip-hop is not in contact with activism, and that both would benefit from meeting in the middle. There has been initiatives like the call for a memorial mural for young Freddy Villanueva who was murdered by police, or the Montreal Sisterhood who used to bridge punk and hip-hop scenes through feminism but that’s kind of dead right now and we definitely need more tryouts like this. Even myself I’ve tried to get in touch with NTFA but kind of failed ultimately.

On a hopeful note, maybe the efforts to support anti-racism and decolonization in the anarchist circles will help open space to broaden collaboration. I definitely have hope it is possible!

IGD: For anyone that is looking at your work and thinking they could do the same thing, what advice would you give them? 

Do it! You are the only one stopping yourself from trying. Things fall into place only a while after you start out. I started with no activist network, no knowledge in graff culture, no ability in drawing. I found a way to make it work with my first strength: staying home on photoshop a lot, and made some good friends along the way.

IGD: Any parting thoughts? How can people view your stuff and support your work? 

I hope people find the strength to take it to the streets and log off their social media accounts more and more. Posting critical content online is great, but the revolution will not be on fucking Twitter.

I have a small shop for people who want to get my work for cheap at zolamtl.storenvy.com and encourage everyone to follow campaigns and groups I work with or support such as Unceded Voices, Solidarity Across Borders, and Racines Bookstore.

IGD: Is boxed wheatpaste better than homemade? And if not, what is the BEST homemade wheatpaste recipe out there? 

I never bought boxed wheatpaste? There is nothing like the ritual of cooking your dough before an outing, I wouldn’t change it. As for a *best* recipe, when I feel like a rich and famous artist, I add acrylic mat medium to the mix and it does wonders for UV protection.

 

Anti-construction Crew Releases Thousands of Crickets into Immigration Prison Architecture Headquarters

 Comments Off on Anti-construction Crew Releases Thousands of Crickets into Immigration Prison Architecture Headquarters
May 192018
 

Lemay’s head office, 3500 rue Saint-Jacques

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

One morning in April 2018, our amateur construction crew released thousands of crickets into the newly built headquarters of the Montreal architecture company Lemay. We pulled a sheet of plywood off the side of the building and funneled the crickets into a recently completed office space. Lemay, along with Quebec-City based company Groupe A, has been awarded a contract to build a new immigration detention centre in Laval, a suburb of Montreal. It is slated to open in 2020. We oppose borders, prisons, and immigration detention centres. We struggle for a world where people are free to stay and free to move; a world without white supremacy, capitalism, colonialism, and patriarchy.

We see the release of these crickets as merely the beginning of a concerted effort to stop the new immigration detention centre from being built. Crickets are known to reproduce quickly and are difficult to exterminate. Their constant noise and quick proliferation through any space they have access to makes them much more than a nuisance to have around. The crickets will multiply inside Lemay’s new headquarters in the gentrifying neighbourhood of St. Henri, even after the wall we deconstructed has been replaced. Meanwhile, we will get even more organized in our resistance to this new immigration detention centre and all that it represents.

The new immigration detention centre in Laval has been proposed as part of a Liberal government “overhaul” of the immigration system. The bulk of the overhaul is focused on infrastructural changes: $122 million of the $138 million overhaul project will be spent on building two new immigration detention facilities (in Laval and in Surrey, BC) and upgrading an already existing detention centre in Toronto. The stated reason for this change is that the current detention centres are not up to international standards. The government claims they also want to move away from detention and towards alternatives to detention.

The new facilities are being pitched as “nicer” prisons. They are supposed to be “non-institutional in design,” and have easy access to outdoor spaces and meeting spaces for family and NGO representatives, but still prioritize state security and keeping people locked up inside. The companies who have been awarded the contracts are known for designing LEED certified court houses and prisons as well as libraries and university spaces. So, it’s hard to imagine that this new prison won’t have an “institutional” feel. Much like the overhaul of the federal women’s prison system in Canada in the 90s and the current attempt by the Ontario provincial government to soften their prison system, this “overhaul” of the immigration detention centre aims to put some pretty curtains on a building that people can’t leave and pretend that it’s okay to lock people up.

The new prison in Laval seems like it will have the same or slightly more capacity to imprison people than the current immigration detention centre (current capacity is between 109 and 144 people, while the new centre would supposedly hold 121 people). This is strange in a context where the numbers of immigrants being detained is down in recent years and the government claims to plan to reduce these detentions even further. It wouldn’t surprise us if they’re just talking more bullshit. As someone said, “if you build them, they will fill them.” A reduction in the number of folks detained seems unlikely.

In fact, let’s talk about that a bit more. As part of the overhaul to the immigration system, Public Safety Minister Ralph Goodale announced the government’s intention to explore “alternatives to incarceration.” In the report that was written about the overhaul, the government said that alternatives to detention included “the ability to report by phone through voice recognition technology to minimize the need to report to the CBSA in person, maximize freedom of movement, facilitate compliance and optimize efficiencies.” Sounds like it’s about making border cops’ jobs easier and saving money.

More commonly known alternatives to immigration detention include electronic bracelets and halfway houses, or a parole-like system run by NGOs willing to act as prison guards. In some ways, these options are better than sitting in a prison. In other ways, these options will act as a carrot, with prison as the stick. In the end, these “alternatives to detention” will reinforce the legitimacy of the detention centre as an option at all (“we gave you a chance to use the phone system and, even though we gave you no option to regularize your status and, in fact, gave you a deportation date instead, you went MIA, so now we have to put you in detention”). Alternatives to detention are more sophisticated forms of controlling migrants that allow the state to seem benevolent, while still deporting and detaining people who don’t submit to the more sophisticated controls.

The strategy of pursuing alternatives to detention would likely lead us further down a road where NGOs collaborate with the government in detaining migrants, in exchange for funding for their staff salaries. In 2017, the government signed a new contract with the Red Cross to monitor conditions in immigration detention centres. However, the Red Cross has technically been monitoring immigration prisons since 1999, this is just the first time they’ve gotten “core funding” for the program from the government. In exchange for $1.14 million over two years, the Red Cross will keep “monitoring” detention centres and telling the government that everything is a-ok; rubber stamping the continued practices of imprisoning migrants. Don’t you just love it when NGOs step in to make government repression look good?

So what do we make of this overhaul in the end? It means more money for more repressive prisons, some money for some slightly less heinous ways of controlling people’s movement, and some money for the Red Cross. In a context where people are walking across the border from the US to flee Trump’s America, a context where most of those people won’t be granted refugee status and they could very well end up in immigration detention, we want to stop this new immigration detention centre from being built. We see this as the perfect time – in fact the only time – to intervene in order to keep this from happening. We mobilize against this new prison, without forgetting that we also want to see the old one closed. We see the prevention of construction on this new prison as just one part of a much larger fight to tear down the others already standing.

In addition to understanding this struggle in the context of a global “migrant crisis,” we understand that this is also happening in a context of a rise of activity in the far right. Storm Alliance, a far right racist anti-immigrant group, has organized a handful of anti-migrant demonstrations at the border, often joined by La Meute, Quebec’s home-grown populist far right group. Influenced by anti-migrant and far-right rhetoric on the internet, Alexandre Bissonnette shot and killed six people in a mosque in Quebec City a year and a half ago. TVA and the Journal de Montreal publish far-right fake news to popularize these sentiments.

With all this in mind, we understand a fight to stop this new detention centre from being built as a fight based in anti-fascism, as part of the fight against white supremacy. We seek to connect our actions to those of other people in our communities, both near and far, who are also fighting white supremacy and the rise of the far right. Even as we fight the liberalism of the current governing party in Canada, we also fight the rise of the far right and their violent visions for the future.

We are inspired, recently, by the campaign to try and stop the deportation of Lucy Granados. We are inspired by the everyday bravery of people living without status and by those who get organized and get together to protect each other and our shared communities. We are inspired by all the people who are standing up against borders, prisons, and other forms of domination. We are inspired to struggle for their freedom to stay and freedom to move, and to call on others to join us.

Lemay is not the only company involved in the design and construction of the prison, and thus not the only possible point of pressure. From the architectural plans of Lemay, to the contributions of Groupe A, to the materials and construction crews, it takes many hands and many parts to build a prison. This is a call for more research, discussion, and action around Lemay’s involvement specifically, but also all the other firms and groups invested in the project. We hope to see other anti-construction crews take action in the future, and we hope that this project can become the target of a sustained campaign, capable of bringing together many people to support an end to prisons and borders.

We hope that the resistance to this prison continues to proliferate, faster and further than thousands of crickets.

Two Queen Victoria Statues Vandalised in Montreal

 Comments Off on Two Queen Victoria Statues Vandalised in Montreal
May 192018
 

From subMedia

Original anonymous communiqué by the Henri Paul* Anti-Monarchy Brigade, shared with subMedia:

In advance of colonial ‘Victoria Day’ holiday, two Queen Victoria statues are (again) vandalized in Montreal

Racist and imperialist legacy of the British Monarchy denounced

May 18, 2018, Montreal – Days before the outdated and insulting Queen Victoria holiday, two landmark statues to Queen Victoria in Montreal were vandalized last night.

The Victoria Memorial in downtown Montreal (erected in 1872) as well the bronze statue on Sherbrooke Street (erected in 1900) at McGill University were both sprayed in red paint.

This action is rooted in opposition to colonialism and imperialism, and a dislike of the parasitic British monarchy (and all monarchies). We are also directly inspired by the recent vandalism (with green paint) of the same Queen Victoria statues in advance of St. Patrick’s Day this past March by the Delhi-Dublin Anti-Colonial Solidarity Bridage

These statues represent, to quote the Delhi-Dublin Anti-Colonial Solidarity Brigade, “a legacy of genocide, mass murder, torture, massacres, terror, forced famines, concentration camps, theft, cultural denigration, racism, and white supremacy.”

The Queen Victoria statues should come down and be placed in a museum as a historical artifact. Public statues and monuments should not represent oppression. The presence of Queen Victoria statues in Montreal is, to again quote the Delhi-Dublin Anti-Colonial Solidarity Brigade, “an insult to Indigenous nations in North America (Turtle Island) and Oceania, as well as the peoples of Africa, the Middle East, the Caribbean, the Indian subcontinent, and everywhere the British Empire committed its atrocities.”

These statues are also insulting to people who represent the progressive struggles of the Irish, as well as Québecois. However, we denounce the far-right anti-immigrant racist souchebags in Quebec who coopt the legacy of the patriotes, but actually represent neo-fascist ideas.

Important context: our action last night contributes to a tradition of targeting colonial symbols and monuments for vandalism and eventual removal: Cornwallis in Halifax, John A. Macdonald in Kingston and Montreal, the Rhodes Must Fall movement in South Africa, the resistance to racist Confederate monuments in the USA, and more.

To once again repeat the words of the Delhi-Dublin Ant-Colonial Solidarity Brigade: “Our action is a simple expression of anti-colonial and anti-imperialist solidarity, and we encourage others to undertake similar actions against racist monuments and symbols that should be in museums, not taking up our shared public spaces.”

— Communiqué by the Henri Paul* Anti-Monarchy Brigade

* Henri Paul was the driver of the luxury Mercedes with Lady Diana that crashed in Paris in 1997. Every member of the British monarchy deserves a drunk French driver!

 

Another Day, Another Doxx

 Comments Off on Another Day, Another Doxx
May 152018
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

Over the last week, since the revelation that Daily Stormer honcho “Zeiger” lived in Montreal and the private forum of the neonazi “Montreal Stormer Book Club” has been leaked, hundreds of posters have gone up in Montreal to expose these nazi scumbags. Some posters contain the previously-unpublished addresses of Vincent Bélanger Mercure (4350 Melrose Avenue) and Philippe Gendron (6735 Rue Fabre).

Here are the files you can print and post yoursleves. But be careful, and watch out for the fash – some have been spotted running around their neighbourhoods removing posters of themselves.

Shawn Beavais-Macdonald in English and French

Vincent Bélanger Mercure in English and French. Address: 4350 Melrose Avenue

Gabriel Sohier Chaput in French. Address: 6308 Rue Fabre

Phillipe Gendron in French. Address: 6735 Rue Fabre

Some other losers (names unknown) in English and French.

Invitation to the Last RRAG7 Assembly

 Comments Off on Invitation to the Last RRAG7 Assembly
May 112018
 

From the Réseau de résistance anti-G7

There is only one month left until the G7 Summit at La Malbaie, which will take place at the Richelieu Manor from June 7th to June 9th! As is the case  each year, the seven main imperialist and colonialist powers of the world will meet to decide how to keep pillaging our communities, while extracting as much profit as possible.

We will not leave them alone! Mobilization and resistance to the G7 keeps moving forward…

Here are the actions planned by the RRAG7:

  • Thursday, June 7th, at 6PM in Quebec City at the Parc des Braves: Join us in a festive and popular protest against the G7, capitalism, colonialism, racism and for open borders!
  • Friday, June 8th, in the Quebec City area, at 7:30AM, there will be an activity to disrupt the G7 Summit. The RRAG7 also calls for a full day of disruptions of the activities of the G7 Summit: Be creative!

We are ready to denounce this unfair system as long as it is necessary!

Subscription: Buses and lodging

It is now time to subscribe. Yes, yes, subscribe. Because without a subscription it is difficult to reserve the right number of buses and to find lodging for those who need it. To subscribe, go on our website and reserve your place before May 27th. The website also include details on how to subscribe non-electronically!

Note that reservation will only be effective when you will confirm your subscription during one of our General Assembly, or during one of our vents. At that time, there will be a “Pay What You Can” box. We suggest a contribution of 20$ for transport. Of course, nobody will be turn back for lack of funds. All the information collected will remain confidential and will be destroyed after the G7.

Last general assembly of the RRAG7 : May 12th

The RRAG7 invites you at its last organization assembly, on Saturday, May 12th from 1PM to 4PM at the 1710 Beaudry (Comité social Centre-Sud).

Spread the word, let’s be as many as possible for this last assembly! It will be an opportunity to exchange on the actions to come or to participate in their organization by joining one of the committees (legal, mobilization, logistics, students, popular education). This assembly will also be an opportunity to confirm your bus and housing reservation as well as the last logistic details.

** The room is wheelchair accessible.
** Whisper translation is available.
For more information, email info@antig7.org or vitit our website.

Report-back from the 2018 CLAC May Day Demo

 Comments Off on Report-back from the 2018 CLAC May Day Demo
May 092018
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

CLAC organized its annual May Day demonstration on the theme of the G7 this year. The planet’s most powerful will gather June 8th and 9th for a major meeting in the Charlevoix region.

This year, May Day saw the unions agreeing to accommodate the bosses’ calendar by holding a march Saturday April 28th, gathering several thousand people.

On the first of May, three demonstrations were called in Montreal: CLAC’s at Parc Lafontaine, the Revolutionary Communist Party’s in the Golden Square Mile, and the IWW’s in Parc-Extension.

About 200 people gathered towards 6pm at the southwest corner of Parc Lafontaine for the CLAC demo. Lots of police were deployed all around with bike cops as well as numerous buses of riot police. The SPVM had made up its mind to let no one demonstrate on this May Day. The crowd growing gradually, one noticed the presence of about forty individuals putting on black clothing, looking to form a black bloc more consequential than in recent demos in Montreal. The riot cops chose to move in closer to leave the small crowd no room to maneuver.

Just before the departure, some speeches were given on the ravages of capitalism locally and elsewhere. The demo then took the street towards 6:30pm on Sherbrooke, going west. The cops then decided to take the sidewalk on the north side to begin forming a kind of moving kettle around the demo. A small but very determined black bloc did not want to allow them this space prized by the Urban Brigade which gains considerable tactical advantage from it. By taking the sidewalk, the Urban Brigade is able to control the whole of the demo, in that it can decide where to direct the crowd. This greatly limits attacks on symbols of capitalism, such as banks. Taking the sidewalk should be a collective reflex of the demo, because having a demo encircled by the SPVM is a problem for everyone. If removing the cops from the sides remains the work of a small part of the demonstration, it will remain very difficult to hold the street in Montreal in a more combative way.

Protected by banners the black bloc decided to empty a fire extinguisher, throw bricks and rocks, and shoot fireworks at the cops, to force them to make a retreat. While the cops backed up a bit, a number of them choosing to hide behind parked cars in fear, the strategy was not as effective as hoped, as the demo found itself split in two with the arrival of a second Urban Brigade on the other side, which pushed the rear of the demo back east and made one arrest. At this moment the police rapidly regained control of the situation, deploying riot cops on the streets north and south of Sherbrooke. People had no choice but to disperse or return to Parc Lafontaine just five minutes after the start. It wasn’t the clash with the cops that forced the dispersal, but rather the arrival of cops from all sides in large numbers.

The dispersal was also facilitated by the lack of closer links between people in the demo. Being able to keep a much more compact unity could have limited the damage caused by the cops’ intervention. Keeping a slower pace and ensuring that no one is isolated at the front or the back could have possibly allowed the demo to go on for longer. The cops prepare for annual demos like May Day months in advance, and they seek to disperse us as quickly as possible. Finding ways to unite the intentions of every person who shows up is difficult, but it remains the key to continuing to hold the street.

This is a text that calls for others: how did you experience this May Day, and what could be done so that we continue to find each other in the street?