Comments Off on This just in: people still not loving police
Jun222017
From Instagram
During the morning of June 21, a police car was attacked with bricks in the neighbourhood of Pointe-Saint-Charles. The circumstances of the attack are unknown, as it hasn’t been reported by the SPVM or the media. This begs the question of how often similar acts occur without anyone hearing about them, because they are invisibilized by the institutions that control the flow of information.
It’s impossible to say what inspired such an action yesterday morning and we want to avoid the trap of imposing a political narrative where there isn’t necessarily one. Nonetheless, hearing of this trashed police car brought us feelings of elation and inspiration. We publish this photo because, no matter the circumstances, it’s encouraging to see people fighting back against such an age-old enemy.
Comments Off on March 15 in Montreal: police attacked, kettle broken
Mar172017
Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info
A couple hundred people gathered yesterday evening at Place Valois in Hochelaga for the 20th annual edition of the Demonstration Against Police Brutality, organized by the Collective Opposed to Police Brutality (COBP). It was the day after the largest snowstorm of the year in Montreal, and the mounds of snow lining the streets meant obstacles for both demonstrators and the cops. Refusing the protest framework demanding less brutal police, we carried with us the memory of March fifteenths past and their legacy of anti-police revolt. Also, rocks.
The words of a report-back from the last March 15 in Hochelaga seven years ago still ring true:
“We went to that demonstration intending to attack the police. Apart from all the weapons we brought, we carried with us a desire to no longer see a single cop walk the streets the next day; at least without a limp, a headache and a feeling of fear that no overtime pay could reconcile. We went out into the streets to hit them as if we could actually smack them the fuck out of our lives, with no guilt, remorse or shame about it. While acknowledging that we have yet to realize the depth of our desires (cops aren’t yet running for their lives), we can still move our lives and projects in that direction.”
– Measuring the Meaning of a March, in March, in Montreal
REPORT-BACK
After a speech by the COBP, the crowd set off west down Ontario Street, about a third of which was masked. A dozen black flags and a couple reinforced banners could be seen near the front of the demo, in addition to a leading COBP banner. There were no police marching alongside the demo, as they kept out of projectile range from all directions, and were likely also dissuaded by snow conditions. While some police followed along parallel streets, apparently at least some of the riot squad had to take the metro, possibly due to the storm disrupting their original transport plans. Some rocks were distributed and additional projectiles sought along Ontario, though without much success, as everything was covered in snow. We rapidly and uneventfully crossed Centre-Sud and reached the eastern edge of the downtown core, a firework set off above us to announce our arrival in comfortable and well-known terrain. Individuals in the bloc asked the front banner to slow down several times; it felt like the demo was running after itself, with no good reason to be. This made it very difficult for people running late to join, or the demo to stay tight. We would like to see future demos slow down, or even stop, when there isn’t an immediate threat from police – allowing more smashing, graffing, wheatpasting, barricading, dancing!
Approaching the area around the Montreal police (SPVM) headquarters on Saint-Urbain Street, police in cruisers and on bikes ahead of the demo were attacked with mortar fireworks. As the crowd amassed around the intersection of Ontario and Saint-Urbain, more fireworks were shot at the police mobilizing to defend their headquarters, then at half a dozen police on horseback approaching from the east. “Get those animals off those horses” almost came true as the horses bucked in fear, causing the horse squad to call it quits for the night.
Rather than congregate at the police headquarters and allow the cops to move in, we continued west on Maisonneuve. A few blocks later, more fireworks were shot at cops ahead of us. A photographer tracking and filming a member of the bloc from a close distance had his camera knocked from his hand, prompting a more general confrontation with media at the front of the march. Rocks and snowballs were thrown at a mainstream media cameraperson, who was then charged with a reinforced banner and knocked to the ground, while his hired goon was beaten with flagpoles from behind the banner.
A lone police cruiser was spotted to our left, parked on Union Street. A crowd quickly swarmed and thoroughly smashed it. On the same block, heading south now, display windows of the Bay department store (one of the oldest colonial businesses of Canada) were smashed and tagged with graffiti. After about fifteen minutes of a determined energy translating into conflictual action amongst the hundred-and-fifty-strong crowd, the cops executed an effective dispersal and kettling maneuver. Riot police lines ran up both sides of the demo, while bike cops chased and closed off exits from behind. Many dispersed on side streets ahead of the cops, but a few dozen people were fed east on Sainte-Catherine into a trap at Place-des-Arts, as more riot cops emerged from Saint-Urbain and blocked off the only remaining exit route.
This never should have been allowed to happen; our strength is on small streets that give police less mobility, so of course they funneled us towards the most open space downtown. Turning west on St. Catherine against traffic, and offensively attacking the vulnerable bike police who succeeded in intimidating us towards Place-des-Arts, would have at least allowed for a better dispersal.
Instead, hearts sank as the cops quickly tightened the kettle of thirty people against a side of a Place-des-arts building. But with shouts of “On fonce!” (“Let’s push!”) and an inspiring confidence and swiftness, before secondary cop lines could form, those kettled pushed against the riot cops blocking the sidewalk from the east and broke free. More riot police tried to block off the new exit routes, but there weren’t enough of them, as people raced through snow banks and snow-covered parking lots, for the most part getting away. Unfortunately, around ten people reportedly ended up in a new kettle that formed in the parking lot outside the SPVM headquarters. They had backpacks seized and were presumably photographed, but were let go without any tickets or charges. The demo ended with no arrests.
TACTICAL CREATIVITY
For combatting the police’s inevitable dispersal strategy, with some planning ahead, a reinforced banner crew could have moved to one of the sidewalks to block or at least delay flanking police lines from getting in position (perhaps accompanied by fire-extinguishers that could be discharged to slow their advance). Throwing projectiles at the flanking cop lines has proven ineffective, as most of the crowd is moving too quickly to fight in cohesive units, making it difficult to throw enough rocks to have an impact on police movements. Let’s also bring the lesson into the future that mortar fireworks were somewhat successful in keeping police at a distance, especially in a terrain where more conventional projectiles were hard to scavenge.
In recent years, the prospect that the black bloc could take time and space away from the police on March 15th has felt remote, so yesterday was definitely inspiring. On one of the two days of the year (the other being May Day) that police prepare for year-round, we were still able to significantly evade police controls, and get conflictual with confidence. This speaks to how we should prepare for demos throughout the year with more confidence in what could be possible. It’s clear that we can bring conflict to the streets in a way that doesn’t signal the end of the demo, as we’ve come to expect, but rather the start of something.
We’re also left with some strategic questions in relation to demos that we’d appreciate a conversation around. When the police are intentionally and constantly keeping their distance from the demo, when and how should attempts be made to seek out confrontation with them? What other goals do we have in such situations? How can we use the space and time we have in these moments to better prepare for the eventual police attack?
LET’S NOT GIVE THE POLICE EVIDENCE!
A note to the independent journalists of the city: it can be hard to distinguish you from mass-media, who generate incriminating evidence that they readily hand over to police (and who we are going to attack at every chance we get). Distinguish yourself by your behaviour – only film from a distance, and don’t film the attackers themselves, only the attackers’ targets. Despite whatever good intentions you likely have, if you film people doing crime, it can and will be used to solidify evidence against them (even when wearing a mask, other clothing items or facial features are regularly used by police to identify suspects). You don’t wanna be that guy that actively endangers demonstrators by exposing them to police violence, so please take this seriously.
Two more things: never film at the starting point or in the first fifteen minutes of a demo, to allow everyone who plans to wear a mask to have an opportunity to put it on safely. And before publishing videos, always blur the bodies of people who are masked. Check out this tutorial if you’re not sure how.
We’re encouraged that Document Everything’s coverage of the demonstration uses all of these techniques; individuals in the bloc are blurred, and the targets of actions are filmed rather than the people attacking them. During the swarming of the police car, the screen cuts to black and we only hear the sounds of destruction. 99% Media’s coverage also blurred individuals smashing the cruiser, but we’d like to critique that they released High-Definition close-up footage of unblurred masked individuals shooting fireworks at cops – no-one’s bloc attire is perfect, and footage like this can put people in a jail cell.
Unfortunately, Document Everything, subMedia, and a few other independent journalists who are clearly on our side were attacked by the bloc – we’d like to see people in the bloc be less indiscriminate towards anyone with a camera. Let’s paint and smash the cameras of any mass media without hesitation, but let’s also take the time to explain to independent media what practices endanger us. Conversely, Maxime Deland (whose incriminating photos were later published by TVA Nouvelles, and who seems to be the mass media’s go-to photographer for confrontational demonstrations) went unnoticed within the bloc because he looked like independent media – here’s his face for next time.
AGAINST POLICE, NOT THEIR BRUTALITY
We’re thrilled that this year the COBP decided to stop using the failed strategy of denouncing the most egregious behavior of the police, and instead called for decentralized direct actions against them, while expressing inspiration by several attacks on police and surveillance over the last year. The COBP explicitly supported the conflict with the police in their communique the day after the demo:
“We applaud all the autonomous groups that mobilized for March 15th, and that get organized all year long to build a balance of power against the SPVM and all police forces…”
“…We witnessed a proactive March 15, with diversified, offensive, and effective actions.”
“We salute the way in which militants fight the police state, and this despite the violence of its response.”
We’d like to see this taken one step further by next year’s demo being called as against police, period. This year the itinerary was chosen based on the locations of past police murders, and a symbolic acknowledgment of the struggle against gentrification in Hochelaga. Walking through the residential streets of Centre-Sud for a half hour to meet this symbolic goal of starting in Hochelaga didn’t feel worthwhile to us. We think for future years it makes more sense to prioritize routes that give us fighting advantages, because revolt is the best form of memory.
« La meilleure des polices ne porte pas l’uniforme » (The best police don’t wear uniforms) – La Rumeur, French hip-hop group
Hatred for the police? You feel it too? They piss you off, ticket you, harass you, arrest you, bring you to the station, baton you, pepper-spray you, or tear-gas you, beat you, surveil you, follow you, blackmail you, handcuff you, throw you in a cage, make you lose an eye, terrorize you?
They feel important strutting around in their uniform, putting their nose in everyone’s business. They represent the authority of the State. They hold the monopoly of legitimate violence. You must respect law and order, under the threat of having your life stolen from you and being thrown in a cage. They are the guard dogs of power.
Cops piss you off. But beyond sticking their nose in your business, they exist to maintain the system as it is, and to prevent people from revolting. No matter what they say, that’s their principal function. You often hear the classic argument that “police are nice, but like everything there are some bad apples that tarnish their reputation”. They justify their usefulness by ceaselessly displaying their feats of arresting a pedophile or pimp. Of course, these sorts of interventions are made a part of police tasks because we have been historically robbed of our capacities to manage conflicts in an autonomous way, but in reality, power doesn’t give a fuck about your well-being. The more a neighbourhood is gentrified, the more new citizens and businesses require a clean and secure neighbourhood. The police aren’t going to go beat a landlord making illegal rent-hikes – they reserve this treatment for the crackhead on the corner. “The police in service of the rich and the fascists”, the good old slogan reminds us.
March 15 is fast approaching, and like every year, a demonstration will be organized by the COBP (collective opposed to police brutality). And each year, there is confrontation and arrests. The COBP, as the acronym implies, aren’t opposed to the police as an institution, but to brutal police. For several years, the collective has strived to propose a citizen discourse begging to have rights respected. They bring police officers with deviant behaviours before the police ethics board, they try to make collective appeals against mass arrests and change certain laws, which was the case for the P-6 bylaw (prohibiting wearing masks during demonstrations). This bylaw was finally invalidated in 2016, thanks to the efforts of several comrades and lawyers. Nevertheless, a less brutal police doesn’t exist, because their ultimate function is to maintain order and to impose fear. If an uncontrollable revolt exploded, these armed dogs would fire on us without hesitation. This doesn’t mean that we shouldn’t struggle, but rather that we should face reality as it is. There is no good cop. There is no good law. We want to fight all the seeds and foundations of the authoritarian world, including the State, its laws, the logic of the law, and its police.
Worst of all is that is that power is so well ingrained that the police almost never need to intervene for the status-quo to be respected. Control is internalized in our bodies and our minds. We are domesticated from birth to respect the rules, to go to school, to go to work, to respect authority, to conform. They make us believe that our actions have no impact and they let us know that if we choose to do away with their institutions (owners, the State, the police, bosses, etc.) then it’s misery and prison waiting for us. Many people throw in the towel. But the reality is that they can’t be everywhere all of the time like Big Brother. By getting a bit organized, it is always possible to evade the tentacles of power and to try something irreversible. It’s firstly a matter of a bit of courage to chase the police from our minds and to confront our fears.
Let’s kick out the cop from our heads, our neighbourhoods, and our lives! To the attack!
For the fifth consecutive year, a noise demo was held in front of the detention centers in Laval to wish prisoners a happy new year and show them our solidarity.
The group of about 60 people accompanied by musical instruments and fireworks gathered in front of Leclerc penitentiary, the Immigration Center, the transitional residences B16 and the Federal Training Center (FTC). The rally was also an opportunity to remember Arash Aslani, a former detainee at the Immigration Detention Center who died this year. He began a hunger strike in 2005, which led to his release after almost a month. He since continued to be involved in struggles for migrants (To know more, click here). The migrants’ detention conditions in Canada are particularly alarming, often being held for indefinite periods without charges or trials. It should also be mentioned that at least two migrants died during their detention in these centers this year.
About Leclerc’s transfer – One year later
The women’s transfer from Tanguay’s Prison to Leclerc last February brought many problems and violence against prisoners, already in a position of vulnerability imposed by a sexist, racist and capacitist prison system. The transfer carried out in a completely disorganized way created tensions related to the mixity in the prison among others in the case of strip search. The absurd time limit for the provision of basic services, the inaccess to personal effects and failure to respect the health conditions of women prisoners are serious violations that the State allows itself to perpetrate with impunity.
It should also be mentioned that the correctional officers in the prison are mostly men and that the only effort made in this direction is a simple 4 hours training on the women’s reality in prison. The League of Rights and Freedoms and the Fédération des Femmes du Québec (FFQ) asked for an observation mission to the prison in May, which was rejected by the government and the FFQ subsidies were cut due to Austerity measures. In result, half of the team was laid off, letting them unable to continue the pressures.
Currently, the Minister of Public Safety says that the opening of three new prisons in Amos, Sept-Îles and Sorel-Tracy will help transfering the 84 male prisoners of Leclerc by June 2017. He also suggested in October that he was considering the construction of a new prison adapted for women in western Quebec. This general approach of the government doesn’t seek to tackle the core of the problem and is part of a general idea of strengthening the prison system. Creating more prison isn’t a solution, it’s necessary to reduce the number of people in prison. The least would be to revise sentences for minor offenses and to explore other solutions, especially in indigenous communities who are the most affected. The actual situation creates the fragmentation of their communities, remoteness and subjects them to colonial institutions which are not recognized in their traditions (alternative justice, spiritual justice, etc.).
WE DON’T WANT BETTER PRISONS, WE WANT THE END OF PRISONS!
For the eighth consecutive year, anarchists in Southern Ontario gathered to ring in the new year with a series of noise demos outside prisons in the area. We do this to demonstrate our opposition to the prison system and the world that maintains it, and to remind those on the inside that they are not forgotten.
We started our night off at the Niagara Detention Centre – an institution known for extreme overcrowding, inmate suicide, and hunger striking migrants. In the pouring rain, a crowd of 35 people gathered and marched along the perimeter of the prison. A full marching band in balaclavas played, while others set off fireworks and chanted. A handful of screws tried rushing us off the property but were met with insults and disregard as we finished our loop and left without incident.
From there we headed to Hamilton’s downtown Barton Jail, where our numbers doubled. Infamous for particularly egregious conditions, the prison was recently in the news for losing its heat for weeks in the middle of a cold spell. Stories circulated of temperatures dropping so low that water was freezing in the cells and inmates were forced to wear socks on their arms in attempts to stay warm.
An annual stop for our noise demo tradition, this year we wanted to make more of an effort to communicate with those on the inside. We produced a short video and using a handheld projector played it on loop on the side of a building visible from inside the jail. Prisoners were seen cupping their eyes, looking out their windows to read the messages on the wall.
Balaclavas, fireworks, and paint bombs were distributed before we started, and year after year people have come to expect this and join in on the fun. The prison and prisoner transport vans were covered in paint, people chanted and held banner that said “Turn up the Heat” and after a ton of fire works were lit, we left on our own terms.
This show featured news and a pre-recorded interview from Kingston’s Prison Radio with Sherri from Saskachewan about the December 14th riot in Saskachewan Pen in Prince Albert. We also had a live phone interview with Claude Marks, a former political prisoner and organizer with the Freedom Archives project. We talked to Claude about political prisoner and former Black Panther Jalil Muntaqim. Jalil is currently facing time in long term segregated housing for teaching his Black history class about the Black Panther Party. More info about Jalil is available at freejalil.com.
From Kingston Prison Radio: This week we bring you an exclusive interview that tells the inside story of the riot on December 14, 2016 that “completely destroyed” the medium security unit at Saskatchewan Penitentiary and resulted in the stabbing death of Jason Leonard Bird and several other injuries from gunshots. We spoke with Sherri who runs Beyond Prison Walls Canada and a Facebook group for prison wives. She has been in touch with several prisoners and their families who were present for the massive riot, and shared with us what she’s been able to find out.
About
Prison Radio has been on the air in Montreal for more than a decade. The show seeks to confront the invisibility of prisons and prisoner struggle, by focusing on the roots of incarceration, policing, and criminalization, and by challenging ideas about what prisons are and who ends up inside.
Prison Radio is dedicated to programming that is directly collaborative with people who are currently incarcerated. This is in the interest of forging stronger ties between incarcerated and non-incarcerated people, ensuring that prisoners have direct control over their representation, and that our understandings of prisons be informed by those who live inside their walls.
If you wish to inform prisoners about this show, it can be heard at the following prisons:
Laval:
Centre de formation fédéral (Federal Training Centre – men’s multi-level medium and minimum security federal prison);
Leclerc (co-ed provincial prison);
Montée St-Francois (men’s Minimum Security federal prison – aka B-16);
Centre de détention pour les immigrants (Immigration Detention Centre)
Sainte-Anne-des-Plaines:
Archambault (Medium Security federal prison)
Sainte-Anne-des-Plaines (Minimum Security federal prison)
Cowansville:
Cowansville (Medium Security federal prison)
USA
Malone, NY:
Franklin State (Medium Security prison)
Upstate (Supermax prison)
Bare Hill Prison (medium security state prison)
If you wish to suggest something for the show, feel free to send an email to: prison@ckut.ca . Or you can call us at 514-448-4041 extension 6788.
Prisoners can reach us by writing to:
Prison Radio Show (or simply write: PRS)
c/o CKUT 90.3 FM
3647, University St.
Montreal, Quebec
Canada
H3A 2B3
Comments Off on Prison, solidarity and isolation on New Years
Jan132017
Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info
On the night of December 31, a small group of people went to the Joliette federal prison for women, with a banner, casseroles (pots and pans) and fireworks, in order to continue the tradition of celebrating New Years with those locked up behind the walls of the State.
When we arrived, two women inmates were in the yard of the prison, and asked us to leave. One of them left running to potentially alert someone to our presence, while the other explained that if we don’t leave, their visits the next day will be canceled. Unlike last year, the women stayed inside the housing units while looking out the windows. We shot off some fireworks while leaving, not knowing how to react. We believe that the authorities punished the inmates last year for our presence and their enthusiasm by perhaps blocking their visits and putting them in lock-down. We don’t find this surprising on their part, given that they maintain their authority by imposing fear, and in this way, repressing desire for freedom.
It hardly seems necessary to summarize what has gone down inside U.S. prisons since September 9th. Hunger strikes, work stoppages, and riots have spread throughout the country on a scale that we likely aren’t even fully aware of yet. Some uprisings appeared took us by surprise, such as in several Florida prisons, while others presumably grew from recent organizing endeavors on the inside, such as at Kinross in Michigan or Holman in Alabama. By rough estimates, over 20,000 prisoners were involved in some way. That’s huge.
On the outside, solidarity burned so brightly all over the world. Banner drops, graffiti slogans, noise demonstrations and more showed that we had the backs of all who would partake in the strike. It is worth noting however that the vast majority of this took place the first weekend of the strike. But this prison strike—and the struggle against prisons more broadly—is about more than a day or a week. It didn’t start on September 9th and it isn’t ending any time soon. Some prisoners may return to work while others decide to stop working for the first time. It’s easier when there is a definitive date to take action on, to build momentum towards, but that’s not going to be enough.
Therefore, we would like to offer a call for renewed actions in solidarity with the prison strike and the struggle against prison society. Right now many are organizing anti-repression campaigns for striking prisoners and that is of course very necessary and not nearly as exciting work. But it would be a mistake to conceive of this struggle in a linear fashion—that is to say, a single wave where we demonstrate as it crests and write letters as it crashes. How many prisoners hadn’t heard about the strike until after it had started? How many knew but didn’t think people would actually be there to support them? Three weeks after the start of the strike, inmates in Turbeville, South Carolina rebelled against a guard and took over their dorm. How can we stop while inmates are still risking their lives for freedom?
We propose the week of October 15th – 22nd for a concentration of actions to remind everyone locked up by the State that we will always have their back. Once again, it is important to take these dates with a grain of salt. No one’s going to judge you if you take action on October 23rd, or in November, or even in 2017. Neither should anyone sit on their hands waiting for the 15th to get going. New Year’s Eve should also be kept in mind, which has traditionally seen noise demonstrations outside of prisons every year, despite being an equally arbitrary date.
When times seem slow and uneventful we let ourselves stagnate, but imagination and revolt are like muscles: the less we use them the weaker they become. We can push back the boredom of less eventful times and point towards insurrection. Solidarity actions and struggling on our own timelines is a way we can create momentum and tension when there isn’t much.
– “Our Own Timelines” Anathema, Vol 2 Issue 6
It is undeniable that many comrades exist outside of realities where organizing a protest or noise demonstration is tenable. Many of us are still searching for a few like-minded comrades, let alone attempting to bring out a crowd. There are still opportunities to act, whether it is a one or two person team dropping a banner or putting up posters, or hosting a letter writing or informational event that can help connect future accomplices. It certainly can never be overstated how important writing letters of support and calling in to prisons is in and of itself, but why pass on an opportunity to build our capacity?
If nothing else, we should all feel ashamed that the most active city in terms of U.S. prison strike solidarity actions is Athens, Greece. They already have such a head start but we can at least give them a bit of challenge, can’t we?
– Some Restless Uncontrollables
Here are some posters for distribution. Oh, whoops, how did this wheatpaste recipe get here?
A Letter in Support of Prisoners in the US who are striking against prison slavery
First, we want to tell you that you are not alone! We are keeping our eyes on your struggles. We support you!
In your call for a strike on September 9th you evoke the uprising in Attica that began on September 9, 1971. You write about ending prison slavery by ceasing to be slaves yourselves. We see you. We hear you. We support you.
We are a group of people, some in prison, some not in prison, and some who are in between. We are critical of the prison system and all its trappings. We would like to share with you some stories of our struggles.
Where we are, there is a traditional work stoppage inside federal prisons on August 10th. Though stronger in years past, Prisoners Justice Day is a day when prisoners here refuse to eat, refuse to work, refuse to leave our cells. We commemorate those who have died in prison. When the tradition started in 1974, prison officials would punish us for it, write us up, lock us up, dock our pay. One day in Collins Bay Penitentiary, a federal prison in Ontario, the kitchen decided to not cook breakfast on August 10th. They knew we were not planning to eat, but we knew that this day is about more than fasting. We lined up in their kitchen demanding breakfast and one by one disposed of it in the garbage.
Federal prisoners in Canada pay room and board. In 2013, our pay was docked and half of that was justified by an increase in room and board payments. In February of 2016, we wrote a list of demands to the federal government. We excerpt the section on work and pay here:
“We protest the cuts to our wages. We should have access to real wages, not pennies. CorCan (Corrections Canada Industries) is a separate entity of Correctional Services Canada (CSC). Its mission was to provide meaningful employment and skills. It was a way for long term prisoners to keep their families together and short-termers to build some money for release. In fall 2013, prisoners’ pay was cut. The bonuses/incentives that prisoners used to receive for working at CorCan were taken away… Currently, the maximum wage we make in 10 days is $69. Of that sum, we must pay $15.18 to kitchen services, $5.52 to telephone services and maintenance, $11 to television fees and maintenance, and $3.73 to savings. Only $33.57 remains. Our pay rates have not been indexed to inflation since 1982.”
We went on to demand access to the provincial minimum wage, access to the Canadian Pension Plan, and real workplace insurance. We demanded access to trades and training while in prison that have an accreditation that is recognized on the outside. We have, thus far, received no concrete response to our demands.
The complete list of demands to the federal government is included with this letter. (As this is an email, here is a link to the entire list of demands: www.demandprisonschange.wordpress.com).
If you want to write to us, for whatever reason, you can reach us here:
PO Box 55051
CP Mackay
Montreal, Quebec
H3G2W5
or at demandprisonschange@riseup.net
In commemoration of all those who have died inside, including the prisoners who died in the uprising at Attica, when state troopers stormed the prison with shotguns and teargas, we connect our struggle to yours. We will be watching.
