Montréal Contre-information
Montréal Contre-information
Montréal Contre-information

On the Insurrection in the U.S.A: An Interview with Anarchists/Abolitionists

 Comments Off on On the Insurrection in the U.S.A: An Interview with Anarchists/Abolitionists
Jun 242020
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

The following is an interview intended for an international and revolutionary audience. It includes questions from the Greek anarchist radio project RadioFragmata regarding the insurrection against white supremacy happening in the USA. The interview is with members of RAM (Revolutionary Abolitionist Movement) and anonymous anarchists from the USA. It is intended to help explain the circumstances and events happening in the USA.

“Being an old farm boy myself, chickens coming home to roost never did make me sad; they’ve always made me glad.” – Malcolm X

What is happening in the USA right now, and how is it different from other recent uprisings that have happened in response to police violence such as Ferguson, MO in 2014? Is there a different feeling in the streets?

This uprising in the US is mainly different in its fury and its magnitude. Other moments, like Ferguson or the LA riots in 1992 were significant and laid the groundwork for this moment, but today we are seeing a movement that is radically different in a lot of ways.

The youth in the streets are very knowledgeable about abolitionist politics. The youth have dismissed patience and hope for reform, focusing only on immediate and direct action. A lot more people also seem to realize that reformism is a dead end this time around. The level of intensity is extraordinarily significant. The fact that people burned down a police precinct in Minneapolis, chased the police out running for their lives, and continued as the military was called in, is unprecedented. The other fact that the majority of the country supported burning down a police station and the plague of pacifism has lost its foothold on protest, has really reshaped the type of dialogue we are used to in the states. Support of insurrection and riot from unexpected groups and individuals is shocking at times to the say the least. Predatory fence riders are essentially being forced to come down and pick a side. Are you a racist, or are you an anti-racist?

The intensity of revolt that began this time in Minneapolis, has since spread across the country like a wild fire. The wide-spread level of generalized revolt, the intensity of the resistance, and a complete loss of faith in reform and patience in the system is unlike anything I have ever seen in my lifetime.

How are anarchists and/or anti-fascists in the states showing solidarity during this insurrection? And what suggestions do you have for anarchists and/or anti-fascists around the world to show solidarity from afar?

Anarchists and antifascists have participated from the beginning of these rebellions. The movement has explicitly focused on policing, prisons and its appendages for quite some time now. So this moment of rebellion is very special for us.

But we should be clear; this wasn’t an uprising sparked by anarchists. The rebellion is driven by black youth who are tired of being dehumanized and murdered. Anti-black violence and white supremacy is the cornerstone of US political, economic and social life. It is so entrenched that reform is impossible. We as anarchists have long held this position and have fought and organized to destroy this situation, but we are just one of many political tendencies that have been taking part in this insurrection.

Around the world the most important thing for anarchists to do is to intensify political and economic pressure on the US and contribute to local tensions and resistance against police. Target anything and everything that makes the United States function and powerful, while further generalizing and empowering the discontent that inspired the uprising to begin with; targeting local racism, the police, and other appendages of domination and exploitation. The US is incredibly weak now and the weaker it gets the better it is for us here and for people around the world in general. Additionally, any act of solidarity gives strength to those of us in the streets. Solidarity is strongest in a shared attack that knows no borders!

How is it that some people claim to support the rebellion in the USA but backtrack due to so-called “violence”?

In the US, the concept of “non-violence” as practiced by Martin Luther King Jr., a civil rights leader in the 1960’s, is held up and celebrated, in hindsight, as the perfect expression of activism. By extension, protest is seen as an expression of activism. Thus, all legitimate and supposedly “effective” protest should bare a lot of resemblance to these principles of non-violent protest which are reported in history for single-handedly achieving civil rights in America. In reality, the situation was much more complicated and frequent insurrections in major cities also played a very big role in the state passing new laws that abolished formal/legal segregation in the southern US (Jim Crow; only to eventually readapt methods of oppression). Nevertheless, the official narrative gives non-violence all the credit. Furthermore, the narrative is that every protest must be to advance a legal cause, not a revolutionary movement. Sometimes even revolutionary sounding rhetoric (Such as Killer Mike of Run the Jewels, known democrat and son of a police officer using deceptive language to denounce protesters following attacks on CNN headquarters and the police) is used when talking about changing laws or achieving other basic reforms. Any American action in the streets that is truly revolutionary or is violent is generally considered illegitimate, because of the aforementioned beliefs about what legitimate struggle looks like that is culturally very powerful. This is another reason why the events that have happened are so inspiring because they totally reject this logic and this narrative. The degree to which the uprising spread to such a diverse array of cities shows how widespread the dissatisfaction with this narrative has become. A partial explanation is that the people acted before any formal leaders had a chance to try to assert themselves as representatives of the movement. The truly organic nature of the movement has been its strength from the beginning and what has allowed it to break free from what otherwise would have been protests carefully orchestrated by professional activists and politicians.

People are conditioned from a young age to seek faith in the theater of democratic politics. Violence is the negation of such a faith. Violence is a demonstration of self-determination, it demonstrates a desire to seek a world beyond the present.

We are taught that we have rights, but rights are choices that can be taken away, as they are set by a social contract that is maintained by authority. Rights are nonsense, deceptive options that are used to instill the fear that lies at the basis of today’s social peace. You have your rights, your freedom(S), and if you behave according to the laws of the box that contain these choices, you will not go to prison. Rights are imaginary, and typically only assumed to have validity by the included and beneficiaries of a stratified society. This is a very important thing to remember when judging the voice of a proclaimed ally contesting political violence or self-defense.

Violence and physical revolt recognizes a rigged playing field. It demonstrates a will to go further, a desire that can not be controlled by a system that can at any moment take away such rights. The voices that take an issue with violence are speaking a language of faith in the justice and politics of a system responsible for inspiring revolutionary violence to begin with. These voices will encourage you to plea, to wait, and to hope.

Activists, liberals, and so-called allies supporting from the bench are quick to denounce violence because they have faith in the options the current theater of politics present for change. They want to re-appropriate the existing powers, as oppose to demolish them. In some cases they are also afraid, and instead of humbly recognizing their fear of being punished for courageous risk and resistance, they huddle like cowards behind various critiques of violence.

On the other hand you can wonder why we grow up learning about Martin Luther King and Ghandi, rather then such historical figures of the same time and place such as Malcolm X or Bhagat Singh. The right, the powerful, or the systematic and calculated methods of self-preservation by capitalist society will always denounce revolutionary violence and insurrection. This is simply because this type of resistance is what they fear, this type of resistance threatens their status, and the system that maintains it.

Violence is a neutral subject. Two people can be holding a gun, and it be a totally different situation. One person (Patrick Crusius) can hold a gun in order to murder immigrants and people of color at random in El Paso, Texas, while another person (Chrystul Kizer) can hold a gun to kill a man who raped and trafficked them.

One may say we are only discussing George Floyd because he was fortunate enough to have had his lynching caught on tape. However this is not why we are still discussing George Floyd. People are tortured and murdered across the United States every single day. And in many cases it is caught on video. But the real reason we are still talking about George Floyd after his death, is because this particular incident sparked a generalized revolt of what I would consider a positive type of violence that the police could not control.

Has the coronavirus played a role in the current insurrection?

The coronavirus definitely played a role in the rebellion. There are several main factors here. The economic fallout has left millions of people helpless. There are millions without work in the US. Having a job in the US also does not mean escaping poverty. The unemployment rate does not truly reflect the percentage of people struggling to survive; those working jobs that do not cover their day to day expenses are considered to be employed. The level of precariousness is enormous. Then you have an entire country stuck inside and restless, particularly the youth.

Black people in the US have died of the coronavirus at at a rate three times higher than white americans due to a consistent lack of access to quality healthcare. There was a huge lack of testing in poor communities, but this is intentional. People have little access to healthcare in general, and quality medical assistance is reserved for more affluent communities. People in working class communities continued working and taking public transportation during the pandemic in order to survive. This made the virus spread in more extreme ways, but particularly to marginalized communities.

Quarantine also highlighted divisions and privileges in society. The rich were able to escape dense cities and isolate in luxury. People who lost their jobs and were offered scraps by the government as huge companies and the rich received unprecedented bailouts. The richest few had their wealth increase by over half a trillion dollars, while everyone else was home wondering about the next week, the next bill, or the next meal.

Poor people, Black and brown people, native people, and the excluded demographics of the United States took a massive hit from the virus. There was no pretending anymore about whose life matters and whose didn’t as the state contained oppressed peoples inside petri-dish like virus-filled prisons and immigrant detention centers — acceptable death zones populated by capitalism’s expendables. Furthermore, the workers who were deemed essential during the pandemic to keep society functioning were among the least rewarded and most exploited in society prior (Nurses, agricultural workers, grocery store workers, and so on). This allowed people to realize the absurd logic of capitalism and begin asking questions that many Americans have never even considered. Instead of raises and protection, these workers were only greeted with patronizing praise from the rich and powerful as “heroes”, while such petty appreciation is obviously insulting when someone is risking death and the spread of the virus to their loved ones. People’s eyes were open to a point that no deception offered by the supposed american dream could distract people from the nightmare that is most american’s everyday life.

When the Trump administration also began noticing that non-white and lower class demographics were being affected by the coronavirus at much higher rates then his almost exclusively white fan base, he and his media apparatus began a blatantly racist push to re-open the economy and as Trump put it: “let the virus wash through”.

So due to these systemic, structural reasons the Black community was by far one of the most affected by the coronavirus in the country. On top of all that, when the state demanded people begin social distancing the police immediately began terrorizing Black communities for not following orders. Even as the country was in lockdown, police found a way to keep the numbers of people murdered by them as high as they were in recent years. And with people being home, many had all day to view videos of police murder and torture in the streets as they happened.

The coronavirus became a formula that helped to turn the country into a powder keg.

Is race the only issue driving this uprising?

The insurrection is predominantly about white supremacy, policing, and the prison system (13th is a quality film on this subject). Heinous murder of Black youth is the norm in the United States, and people finally had enough.

Class also plays a fundamental role in the uprising, as it does in all capitalist societies. However, this uprising was totally driven by the Black working class which has a very different character than the activist movement in the US which is often from bourgeois backgrounds and approaches politics as a hobby as opposed to indispensable struggle. Due to this reality the character of the original uprising was pretty open to whoever wanted to participate, and acted without fear of judgment by the racist morality of the status quo.

It should also come as no surprise that while the unemployment rate has skyrocketed to levels not seen since the great depression, people are now fighting back against the system. If the movement can retain this working class ferocity and fluidity the potential for revolutionary change is greater than it’s been in a lifetime.

What are some of the origins of white supremacy in the USA?

The origins of white supremacy in the US are the origins of the country itself. The US was founded as a white supremacist project explicitly. Built on the backs of the enslaved African population and the genocide of the indigenous, the US established itself as the model nation for white power. In its early laws they claimed Black people were only three fifths of a human and were viewed as property until 1865. After that the government did everything in its power to ensure the foundations of slavery remained, transferring the process from plantations to the prison industrial complex.

But this process started with early European expansion around the world. The US, in actuality, is a project built from European thought and politics. Both continents are historically entangled with extreme racial regimes and mass slaughter and genocide. Additionally, the status of economic and political power maintained on both continents come at the expense of historical colonialism that has come to define the global mapping of the 1st and 3rd worlds today.

What does it mean to be against white supremacy? Are there elements of reverse racism in this struggle?

First off, reverse-racism is not a thing. It is an oxymoron.

Racism isn’t simple prejudice but a system of oppression and because there is no racialized system of oppression that whites are subject to, they cannot be victims of racism.

“White” in American society is an established demographic that has some pre-existing advantages on its own. For example, while many white people in America suffer due to poverty, there are still inherent advantages to being white. One great example is the ability to go jogging at night without being seen as fleeing a crime.

The ruling class has determined throughout history that there is to be a calculated delegation of suffering. The notion of the savage, the inferior non-gentile /dark skinned populations of the world established by European conquest is a critical origin as to the demographics chosen to suffer in the world today. Approaches and language used by oppressing/ruling populations have been modernized and adapted, but the foundation remains the same. White means to be included, to have a better seat in the stadium without condition.

While overall Black people in the United States have a 250% higher chance of being murdered by police (that’s according to official numbers, the real number is likely higher overall, and varies by region and level of diversity), many of those murdered are also poor white people. The ruling class does not spare the excluded white population, and having a critique of white supremacy does not forfeit a recognition of white people suffering under capitalism. But it is essential that we recognize that a contempt for being white is a frustration with the race that has been chosen by this system as included and defended. White people are included and defended, at the expense of, and from, so-called inferior non-white demographics. While the oblivious or racist make claims of reverse-racism, others have recognized the same gestures of frustration against white supremacy as logical contempt.

There are some Black separatist groups* that exist, but their calls for separation stem from a desperation to escape the relentless infliction of misery that comes not from a diverse society, but a diverse society that has been stratified based on race and ethnicity. Such a desperate call for Black power through segregation comes from the experience of knowing a diverse society that has one race delegated to reign supreme.

Across the United States, as diverse as it is, and regardless of its deceptive civil rights acts, people remain brutally segregated. Whether by class or race, the United States presents some of the most intense close-proximity segregation in the world. Look at New York City for example, where you have some of the poorest parts of the country and wealthiest neighborhoods in the world existing side-by-side, separated by the beast of the police and their judicial system. Many non-white communities do not even interact with white people in daily life unless it is white police invading their neighborhoods and maintaining their poverty. In no way at all am I ignoring the plight of white working class communities, but there are volatile disparities that scream back at those claiming “all lives matter” with an acid that will seal their racist lips. Two and a half million people are in prison in the United States, many innocent, many white, and many poor. In no way do we dismiss the poor white people, but in a country roughly 13% Black, and a prison population almost 40% percent Black, the gaslighting efforts behind claims of reverse-racism or “all lives mattering” are mathematically invalid.

What is falsely deemed “reverse-racism” is actually an understandable frustration with a demographic that has power due to the suffering of another demographic. You can be white and despise what it means to be white in the world today.

There have been instances in past riots, such as the 1992 Los Angeles riots, of whites being randomly attacked for simply being white. While this was in the minority of overall inspiring events that happened, they were one unfortunate result of an explosive situation. This is not something that has been present in the current uprising. The current uprising has been remarkably diverse right from the beginning in all its expressions and despite the participation of millions, there has been no real serious examples of inter-racial violence occurring. On the contrary, at least prior to the involvement of false leaders, there has been a remarkable sense of unity, even in spite of individual disagreements on strategy and tactics and people coming from different political backgrounds. Serious objections to violence, looting, etc. have almost exclusively come from outsiders who have not been on the streets and from some of the peaceful protesters now filling the streets, following a narrative the media has handed them about what “legitimate” protest looks like. Many of those peaceful protestors are now being subject to widespread police violence, which will hopefully radicalize many of them. In this way, the system is helping make our points for us to these newer more peaceful demonstrators.

* Many Europeans appear at times to fetishize any semblance of the original Black Panther Party, especially in the form of using images of the New Black Panther Party posing with weapons to proclaim solidarity with black struggle. It is important to note that the New Black Panther Party is not the same as the old Black Panther Party or the Black Liberation Army. It has been rejected by almost all surviving members of the original Black Panther Party and Black Liberation Army, including those still serving time in prison for their actions. The New Black Panther Party is a viciously authoritarian, antisemitic, pro-segregation, and anti-gay organization. The guns they carry are all legally owned firearms in the USA.

How do anarchists in the states find solidarity with people who are not formally anarchist?

We do not have the numbers to function with blinders on. Additionally the sincerity of rage and passion for freedom that come from experience can outweigh the alleged enlightenment of any theoretical understanding. We also live in an intensely diverse society, and have to challenge ourselves to break out of the insular thinking of classical anarchist organizing.

In the states we must adapt to the circumstances we face, and challenge ourselves to focus on deeper elements of tension and discontent, that transcend the superficiality of political identity.

We find our solidarity standing horizontally with a discontent of experience. When the streets escalates resistance we look to board ship . Anarchists in the states seek a solidarity of shared enemy and shared frustration. Maybe those we seek to fight alongside do not have recite the same rhetoric or proclaim the same ideology, but our priority is to seek the hand of those that share our rage with this system and act accordingly.

Is looting something perceived as revolutionary? Do you support the looting politically? Do you take issue with the judgments of liberals regarding the ethics of looting?

No I don’t take issue with looting. Nor do I show any respect to the morality that lies at the foundation of capitalist society. To take issue with looting implies a non-issue with the status quo needed in order to “appropriately” purchase products.

Let me put it this way: the wealthy of New York City looted stores across the city in order to be prepared for lockdown and quarantine as the Coronavirus Pandemic loomed. Generally speaking, it was only in some small stores in very poor neighborhoods that some home essentials for quarantine could be sparsely found. Many poor people are unable to purchase in bulk, as most work paycheck to paycheck and the notion of investment of any kind, even an investment into the coming days of a quarantine, is not an option.

Stores across NYC were emptied of toilet paper, disinfectants, personal protective equipment, food, and whatever the rich could get their hands on. The rich “legally” looted the stores, and hoarded safety. They did this on their terms; the same terms that define purchasing power within capitalism. The terms that calculate and delegate suffering.

Looting is an act of defying these terms. It is an act that exposes the fragility of these terms that the police and justice system exist to maintain and enforce.

No product accounted for by global capitalism can be measured against an everyday life of suffering with origins in formal slavery. To denounce looting in the context of a social insurrection gives praise to the notion of purchasing in accordance with the terms defined by the ruling class’s putrid morality.

Looting in the context of a social uprising, in most cases threatens the reification of the ‘sacred’ purchase; essentially breaking the barriers we are conditioned to accept that exist between poverty and life. However, looting and the social violence of an insurrection is not always perfect. There have been some small businesses burned in Minneapolis for example that certainly didn’t deserve compared to other available targets. As Alfredo Bonanno has said, insurrection “is a blow of the tiger’s claws that rips and does not distinguish. Of course, an organized minority is not the insurgent people. So it distinguishes. It has to distinguish.”

As far as I’m concerned, to take issue with looting (especially if it targets big businesses and exclusive commodities) is to advocate for purchasing. It resembles a voice that comes from a position of privilege; the privilege to not feel desperate. It also stems from a position that is concerned with the judgment of the included and benefited in this society.

Looting can be beautiful and sad at the same time. I understand also the concerns regarding the materialistic elements of some types of looting, but I don’t think this outweighs the broader revolutionary implications. I am sad to see a small business owned by a struggling family be scooped up by the vacuum of rage that is a riot, but on the other hand I smile seeing poor people sporting fashion symbols of the rich and shopping at Wal-Mart without a wallet.

As an anarchist, with a limited voice in the world of politics, I refuse to even for a second, consider denouncing an uprising due to looting.

There are plenty of voices on the right and in power that believe in the sanctity of the purchase, and use such a belief to demonize, divide, and degrade an insurrection. These are well funded voices that are preserved by this society in order to support the genocidal normalcy that inspired an insurrection in the first place. If you use your voice to degrade or demean gestures of self-determination and rebellion you can not sincerely claim to be an accomplice to an uprising. Those in power protecting the status quo will use their well-funded media apparatus to demonize and divide the insurrection; the so called participants/supporters should not.

If you take moral issue with looting it may be important to look within your own claim to support an uprising against white supremacy, capitalism, and the state. Because you are asserting a logic that rewards institutional looting, domination, and exploitation, and looks to punish or be cautious of any grassroots efforts of revenge and/or self-preservation.

A very eloquent defense of looting in the context of a Black uprising was put forth by the situationists as early as 1965 and is as relevant as ever:

“The looting of the Watts district was the most direct realization of the distorted principle: ‘To each according to their false needs’ — needs determined and produced by the economic system which the very act of looting rejects. But once the vaunted abundance is taken at face value and directly seized, instead of being eternally pursued in the rat-race of alienated labor and increasing unmet social needs, real desires begin to be expressed in festive celebration, in playful self-assertion, in the potlatch of destruction.
[…]
Looting is a natural response to the unnatural and inhuman society of commodity abundance. It instantly undermines the commodity as such, and it also exposes what the commodity ultimately implies: the army, the police and the other specialized detachments of the state’s monopoly of armed violence. What is a policeman? He is the active servant of the commodity, the man in complete submission to the commodity, whose job it is to ensure that a given product of human labor remains a commodity, with the magical property of having to be paid for, instead of becoming a mere refrigerator or rifle — a passive, inanimate object, subject to anyone who comes along to make use of it. In rejecting the humiliation of being subject to police, the blacks are at the same time rejecting the humiliation of being subject to commodities.”

– Situationist International, “The Decline and Fall of the Spectacle-Commodity Economy”, 1965

Why are there so many accusations of conspiracy theories behind the protests, and also this claim of outside agitators?

The US is an odd country. The prevalence of conspiracy theories is shocking. People who are often for the status quo often believe really outlandish theories here. In many ways this is indicative of the rapid decline of the US as a power. Its population is now so tremendously misinformed they often don’t know very basic facts. For instance, there’s a growing, and sizable group of people that believe climate change is fake, antifa is funded by George Soros, and the world is flat.

Furthermore, people are so detached and so fixated on their devices they have a hard time believing anything is ever real. So whenever anything happens many people think it’s fake. However the state also understands how to leverage this. Over 150 cities/towns had protest activity. The government claims outside agitators have launched the rebellion even though it makes literally no sense. Historically the government has always said this about Black liberation movements. Part of it is racist. The state believes, or wants people to believe, that Black people are incapable of doing anything without a white hand. And on the other side, if it is “outsiders” then the state can argue the movement is illegitimate.

Following the first and second world wars, a relentless terror campaign by the FBI to eradicate the left, anarchists, and anyone challenging the status quo went into full effect. This lead to future generations of apolitical people knowing nothing more then democrat versus republican. Periods of political resurgence appear throughout history since this period (Anti-war movement in the 60s, armed struggle groups in the 70s, anti-globalization movement in the 90s, and so on), however most people in America are not taught to be political the way most are in rest of the world. Generally we are taught to be culturally liberal or conservative, and embrace political variations of the right wing. Most jump into prescribed political narratives that don’t challenge much of anything. So the appealing shock and awe of conspiracy theories is fairly understandable, and sadly these help keep people divided and distracted, fixated on trees as opposed to the forest.

In europe these kind of extended riots go hand in hand with big strikes. Are there big strong unions (maybe leftist some of them) during this period that could start a big strike?

The U.S. unions have generally been coopted by a right wing mentality and barely resemble their radical roots. Of course wildcat strikes of transportation could considerably damage the powers that be, but the country was already at a sort of surreal standstill due to the quarantine, with very few working at all, and only “essential” U.S. infrastructure being used.

Some gestures of solidarity were made by bus workers refusing to drive demonstrators to prison for example, but generally unions and wildcat strikes are very rare and equally unlikely in the USA. In a consumer economy with most industry automated, the few manual jobs are usually done by the most exploited of immigrants, and if they were done by union labor, such jobs typically end up being exported to a country where labor is cheaper. However, what did happen leading up to this was massive coordinated rent strikes due to massive unemployment, and huge networks of mutual aid being built across the country. Whether coincidence like the virus itself, or a precursor of organizing towards general revolt, any wild cat strike in the complicated economy of the USA is typically done on an organic social level as opposed to throughcoordinated union effort.

Will Trump’s declaration to recognize anarchists and anti-fascists as a terrorist organization lead to increased repression? What type of support can you anticipate being needed in the near future, or now?

Trump’s threat to label anarchists and antifa as terrorists will almost certainly increase repression here. In many ways it is a sign of political weakness and desperation. Trump, Barr and the rest of the clowns in office know perfectly well anarchists are not solely responsible for these uprisings. But they can’t say “we have been killing and destroying Black people for decades so they rightfully rose up in rebellion.” They need a scapegoat.

The state and media are desperate to recuperate and restructure the response and narrative of the demonstrations. However recuperating an insurrection that is de-centralized, spontaneous, and organic is quite hard without an imaginary boogeyman to place all the blame on. We are not surprised by this response, nor is it the first time anarchists have been considered public enemy #1 in the united states.

So the likelihood the movement will come under attack is very high. But none of us are afraid. None of us are surprised. Everyone has realized that the US is weak and can only rule by terror. Once people are no longer afraid the regime’s power substantially weakens. The greatest support we can ask for is to continuously attack the U.S. Keep attacking until this wretched empire is a thing of the past.

Over ten thousand people have been arrested that we know of. We also know that in the streets you not only have local police forces, but you have ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement), the FBI, and various other agencies tracking, surveilling, and in terrogating arrested demonstrators. Already you have people facing long-term prison sentences for throwing malfunctioned molotovs under the charge of attempted murder. Even prior to all this we have a long term anarchist prisoner serving 10 plus years for throwing a non-functioning molotov cocktail at a federal building.

Trump and his “law and order” response is a call for a counter-revolutionary and state repression campaign that is as unprecedented as the insurrection that has been sweeping the streets of america.

Sadly liberal activists and media have been part of the attempt to cast out anarchists and anti-fascists. Blaming violence on so-called white provocateurs, posting information online about suspected rioters and evenliberal activists tackling demonstrators who commit property damage and turning them over to the police are among the disgusting things happening as reformist groups begin to co-opt the dialogue.

Instead of recognizing the solidarity in the actions of anarchists and anti-fascists participating horizontally in the riots, many of the middle and upper class politically-correct world, as well as liberal Black leaders pandering to the white mainstream, degrade the courageous violence against the police by dismissing it as “political opportunism by white agitators.” Regardless of this absurd claim that falls in line with other liberal conspiracy theories, we all know that anarchists and anti-fascists play a much less significant role in the severity of resistance then informally political Black, brown, and working class people simply fed up with the misery of everyday american life. As anarchists we do however dismiss the accusations of coopting Black struggles, and will forever take a stance as accomplices to an insurrection against white supremacy, as opposed to allies supporting from the safety of computers and ballot boxes.

So much is happening, so much is expected to continue happening, and information at the moment is overwhelming. However we are including with this text a list below of bail funds, anti-repression groups, and frequently updated websites regarding the on-going uprising.

Bail Funds – Huge compilation of bail funds and support groups created during and used for the current uprising.

Abolition Media Worldwide

Revolutionary Abolitionist Movement (RAM)

NYC Anarchist Black Cross

Who Arms The Police? A Short List of “Canadian” Companies

 Comments Off on Who Arms The Police? A Short List of “Canadian” Companies
Jun 222020
 

From North Shore Counter-Info

People in the so-called US have been rising up against white supremacy and the police, and for Black liberation. People in so-called Canada have been in the streets too – naming genocide against Black and Indigenous people, calling out police murders here, and making their opposition known. Many of these demonstrations, occupations, and riots have been met with more police violence. The police in the “US” and “Canada” regularly use tear gas, rubber bullets, tasers, batons, and sound weapons to suppress our presence in the streets and to harass marginalized communities on the daily.

There are many ways to participate in this uprising! A lot of people have been contributing to bail funds, calling people in power and demanding the police be defunded, starting up their own conflict mediation and deescalation collectives with the goal of abolishing the police entirely, and showing up in the streets night after night after night. And that’s just a short list! We wanted to share the information below in an effort to expand our collective imagination with the concrete goal of trying to stop the police from having the weapons they need to control this uprising. We have been inspired by this work happening in the “US” including this map (Google Maps link) – and if anyone wants to make a map version of this list, please do!.

What follows is a list of companies that make tear gas and other supposedly “less lethal” weapons and supply them to “US” cops and their “Canadian” counterparts, plus information about those companies, including what they manufacture, who they have contracts with, and where they are located. We chose to research “less lethal” and “riot control” weapons manufacturers because those weapons have become a focus in this moment.

Movements need all the help they can get so be creative about how you use this information. It would be amazing if “US” and “Canadian” cops didn’t have access to the supplies they need to suppress the protests and harass marginalized communities. Let’s figure out how to make that happen!

This research is dedicated to all the people who have died at the hands of police using those “less lethal” weapons and to everyone who has been killed by the police.

1. Defense Technology/Safariland LLC is a “US” based company that has a “Canadian” version called Pacific Safety Products Inc.

-Safariland is a giant sprawling company that manufactures all kind of things for police forces. They own Atlantic Tactical, which, according to Wikipedia is “the largest law enforcement equipment distributor in the northeastern US”. They are perhaps best known for manufacturing tear gas that has been heavily used against migrants on the US-Mexico border in 2019, against protesters in Puerto Rico in that same year and against protesters on the streets in the US today.

-Two of the major Safariland subsidiaries that you’ll hear about are Atlantic Tactical and Defense Technology. As we said earlier, they exist in “Canada” as Pacific Safety Products Inc.

-In “Canada”, they mostly produce and sell body armour to the RCMP. Although we have seen evidence that they also sell tear gas to police forces like the SPVM in Montreal.

-Their main manufacturing site in “Canada” is located in Arnprior, Ontario at 124 Fourth Avenue. They also have an office in Vancouver in Suite 2600, Three Bentall Centre, 595 Burrard Street, Vancouver, BC, V7X 1L3. Their director is named Rob Reynolds, who lives in Ottawa at 2400 St. Laurent Boulevard, Ottawa ON K1G 6C4.

-Their website is pacsafety.com

-For some reason, Pacific Safety Products in particular also claims to have a manufacturing facility in the “US”. It is located at 1 Sentry Drive, Dover, Tennessee. The company that runs this manufacturing site is called GH Armour Systems and their website is gharmorsystems.com.

2. Distributors of Safariland products in “Canada” deserve their own section. These distributors all have contracts with Correctional Services Canada (aka the federal prison system), the RCMP (aka the federal police force), and/or the Canadian Border Services Agency (aka the border cops).

a) Summit Canada Distributors sells “less lethal” weapons to CSC and the RCMP. They are based in Cornwall, Ontario at 700 Campbell Street, Unit 1, Cornwall, K6H 6C9. Their website seems to be dead, but you can find it on the Internet Archive here.

b) Rampart International Corp sells pepper spray to the CBSA. Their offices are located in Ottawa at 2574 Sheffield Road, K1B 3V7. You can find out more about their company here.

c) Distribution Elite Canada sells weapons and body armour to CSC. They are located at 74, Goodfb) Rampart International Corpellow, #110, Delson (Quebec) J5B 1V4.

3. Lamperd Less Lethal (Stock Symbol LLLI) – is a “Canadian” based company.

-Lamperd sells “less-lethal” tools (like tear gas supplies, rubber bullets etc) and provides police training. They have been authorized to export to the “US” since November 2018 and b) Rampart International Corpare likely exporting products to “US” cops to this day. They tweeted about their riot control products on June 2nd, 2020. Timely, right? You can find them online at http://www.lamperdlesslethal.com and their President and CEO Barry Lamperd has a twitter account @lamperd_llli.

-They are located at 1200 Michener Road in Sarnia, Ontario, N7S 4B1. Their phone number is 519-344-4445

-In the “US”, they are distributed by LTL Global LLC, Security PRO USA, American Reserve Munitions. In “Canada”, they are distributed by Distribution Elite Canada and Canadian Armour.

-If you’re curious about their financial situation, you can check out their filings here. It includes names of shareholders, directors, consultants, lenders, etc.

4. MD CHARLTON is a “Canadian” based company that is the exclusive distributor of a few of the top “less-lethal” weapons manufacturers based in the “US”.

-You can find them online at https://www.mdcharlton.ca. They have contracts with the Department of Defense (weapons, body armour) and the RCMP (weapons, uniforms).

-They are the exclusive distributors of Combined Systems / CTS and Axon/TASER – both are “US” companies who are selling “crowd control” materials to “US” cops.

-Their head office is located at E-2200 Keating Cross Rd, Victoria, BC, V8M 2A6

-They have two distribution and sales locations. One is located at Unit 4, 4100-B Sladeview Cres, Mississauga, ON, L5L 5Z3. The other is located at 20253 Fraser Highway, Langley, BC, V3A 4E7

-They also have retail stores. You can find those in Langley, BC at 20253 Fraser Highway, V3A 4E7, Phone: (604) 534-1588. They also have a retail store in Mississauga, Ontario at Unit 4, 4100B Sladeview Cres, L5L 5Z3, Phone:(905) 625-9846 and in Victoria, BC at Unit E – 2200 Keating Cross Rd, V8M 2A6, Phone:(250) 652-5266. They also have stores located near Ottawa at 66 Iber Road, Building A, Unit 103, Stittsville, Ontario, K2S 1E8, Phone: (613) 599-3950 and in Darthmouth, Nova Scotia at 5 Macrae Av.

5. Rheinmetall Canada Inc. is the “Canadian” version of a company called Rheinmetall Defence. Though Rheinmetall is mostly based in Europe, they also have distribution and manufacturing arms in the “US” and “Canada”.

-Rheinmetall manufactures and sells armoured vehicles (aka tanks) mostly to militaries around the world, but also to police forces. They are a huge company that also manufactures munitions and “less-than-lethal riot control” products. They have contracts with the Department of Defense in “Canada”.

-You can find more information about their “Canadian” division here. In “Canada”, “75% of the company’s business is for the Canadian Department of National Defence”.

-They are located at 225, boulevard du Seminaire Sud in Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu in Quebec. Their phone number is 450-358-2000 and their fax number is 450-358-1744. They also have an office located in Ottawa, Ontario at 99 Metcalfe Street.

-There are four directors of Rheinmetall Canada, only 2 are based in “Canada” (2019 filing): Stéphane OEHRLI: 2195 Rue Maryse-Bastié, Montréal QC H4R 3H4 and Robert MONTCALM; 721, rue des Noisetiers, Boucherville QC J4B 0E5.

6. Axon International (formerly TASER) (also called Axon Enterprise, Inc) is a “US” based company with a “Canadian” subsidiary called Axon Public Safety Canada Inc or Axon Canada.

-Axon is best known for making tasers. However, they also produce Axon Aware which provides livestream functionality for body cameras worn by law enforcement officers in the field and also makes Axon Citizen, which is described as a “public evidence submission tool.” These technological surveillance tools are used to criminalize and repress people in the streets and are used in court to put people in prison. This article explains how Axon has expanded its reach into “Canada”.

-Axon’s “Canadian” headquarters are in Toronto: HQ 222 Bay Street Suite 3000, Toronto ON M5K 1E7. Their only “Canadian” director (other 3 are based in Scottsdale, AZ) is Vishal Dhir who lives at 8454 12th Avenue, Burnaby, BC V3N 2L6.

7. Sage International Ltd also known as Sage Control Ordnance Inc. is a “US” based company.

-They manufacture different kinds of “less-lethal ammunition” and hand-thrown munitions. You can find them online at http://www.sageinternationalltd.com. They have one distributor in “Canada”, which is located in Alberta. It is called Bashaw Sports Centre and is located at 5013-50th St Box 126 in Bashaw AB, T0B0H0. Their phone number is 780-372-4440. Their website seems to be down, but used to be here: www.bashawsports.com.

8. Valley Associates Global Security Corporation aka Bastedo Defense Inc. is a “Canadian” based company.

-They sell “less lethal grenade launchers” and are a distributor for “US” companies like Genasys and Less Lethal Technologies. They have contracts with the Department of National Defence.

-They are located in Ottawa at 2108 Old Montreal Rd. Their other contact information is here: Phone: +613 830 1880, Fax: +613 803 3008, Email: info@vagsc.ca. The owner of the company is named Alec Rossa.

There is always more research to do! There is no way these are all the companies supplying weapons to the police. We encourage others to do their own research and share it widely so that our movements can have the information they need to succeed. #ACAB #BlackLivesMatter #DefundThePolice #AbolitionNow

Montrealers call for defunding the police, decarcerating prisons

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Jun 152020
 

From the Anti-Carceral Group

June 13, 2020 — Montreal – At 12pm today, one hundred Montrealers gathered in front of the Bordeaux prison to call for defunding the police and decarcerating prisons. Black activists told the crowd about the violence inflicted upon their communities by prisons and the police. The crowd held banners with slogans such as “Prisons Kill,” “Black Lives Matter,” and “Defund the Police,” and made noise to show solidarity with prisoners inside Bordeaux.

The uprising sparked by the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis has brought new attention to police violence south of the colonial border (in the United States). But US activists have also called attention to the killing of Black people in prisons, including Jamel Floyd, a 35 year-old Black man who died after being pepper sprayed in his cell in a federal prison in Brooklyn.

In Canada, mass protests in Toronto, Halifax, Montreal, and other cities have brought these issues closer to home, highlighting a long history of violent and racist policing. This local history was a key theme of the Bordeaux protest. Amanda Thompson, a Black co-organizer of the protest, explained: “There a long history of anti-Black policing in Montreal, including a long series of police killings of Black people, as well as everyday surveillance, harassment, and abuse in our communities.”

The Montreal police have been criticized for racial profiling and violence for decades. A string of police killings between 1987 and 1993 brought widespread calls for police accountability, but little change in the operation of police. In the fall of 2019, a report showed that Black and Indigenous Montrealers are four times more likely to be stopped by police than white people. Between 2014 and 2018, moreover, the police killed five Black men: Alain Magloire, René Gallant, Bony Jean-Pierre, Pierre Coriolan, and Nicholas Gibbs.

Police racism is part of the reason for the disproportionate incarceration of Black people in Canada. While Black people represent just 3.5% of the Canadian population, they represent 7.5% of federal prisoners. In Quebec, data on the racial background of provincial prisoners is kept secret, but prisoners at Bordeaux estimate that 20% of prisoners are Black.

The same violence that Black people experience on Montreal streets, moreover, is mirrored behind prison walls. Kiyha Schrouder, a co-organizer of the event, explained: “There are no rules inside prison. Guards can abuse prisoners, throw them in solitary for weeks, and there are no consequences, especially when it comes to Black prisoners. This violence has grave and long-term effects on people’s mental health. This has got to stop today.”

As the global uprising against the police continues, a variety of police reforms have been discussed, such as better police training and police body cams. The message of today’s protest, however, is that prisons and police are fundamentally racist and violence and no piecemeal reform will change that. As Amanda Thompson explained: “When the police kill a Black person, that’s not a mistake; that’s the system working as it was designed. We don’t want small changes to a racist institution, we’re calling for the defunding of the police, the decarceration of prisons, and a reinvestment of that money in communities.”

The noise made by protesters was clearly heard by prisoners inside Bordeaux. At one point in the event, protesters and prisoners chanted slogans back and forth, and both groups made any noise they could. Respecting public health protocols, all protesters wore facemasks, with the event organizers provided masks, food, and water to anyone who needed them.

Photos from the event are available at https://bit.ly/30G467C

Black and Racialized Anarchists on the May 31st Demonstration: 9 Recommendations for Moving Forward

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Jun 072020
 

From Contrepoints

1. Nothing justifies police violence; whether we’re on a morning jog, using a counterfeit $20 bill, or breaking a jewelry store window. What the colonial state determines as crimes are often attempts at escaping poverty and systemic violence, or the result of these two things. We advocate for a restorative justice centered on the needs and experiences of victims, not a punitive justice centered on the needs of commerce and state control. Those who partake in protests while reproducing the discourse of the dominant class and playing police are doing the oppressors’ work.

2. We advocate for the removal of police forces, because even when they aren’t murdering Black and Indigenous people in broad daylight, they still maintain a social order modeled on capitalism and white supremacy. It’s cops who prevent homeless people from sleeping in empty condos, who kick poor families out onto the street when they can’t afford rent, and who beat up hungry migrants looking for a free meal in a billionaire-owned chain grocery store.

3. It’s up to us and our communities to develop autonomous mutual aid mechanisms that render police obsolete. This starts with having conversations with our neighbours, offering help when needed, or by learning how to support eachother during mental health crises.

4. Political vandalism is to be understood and violence against material property is a legitimate response to the violence committed by people in power. Every storefront window represents a barrier between us and a world inaccessible to us. They represent an urban landscape constructed to uphold an economic system that prevents us from sufficiently housing and feeding ourselves without spending most of our waking hours working. Graffiti and burning luxury cars mark a needed break in the daily, invisible, normalized state violence.

5. To those saying Black and racialized people are paying the price of violent revolt, we reply that we’re paying the price of daily life without violent revolt. A historical analysis of liberation movements can only highlight the necessity of a reversal of the balance of power, embodied by the threat of permanent insurrection. If pleading and begging for mercy was enough to make our oppressors consider our well-being, we would have stopped feeling the pressure of their knee on our necks a while ago.

6. To selectively read and amplify the discourse of moderate, depoliticized, and bourgeois Black people is an insidious form of racism that allows non-Black people to comfortably perform their allyship without jeopardizing their privileges. White people who truly care for our lives should read texts by Black revolutionaries and get educated on decolonial and anarchist ideologies.

7. The mainstream media and police discourse around last Sunday’s vandalism being an adventure separate from the otherwise docile protest isn’t based in an understanding of our motives. It’s simply a strategic discourse meant to weaken our movements. Their deepest fear is that we realize how insurrection isn’t the domain of a few specialized groups but rather the materialization of popular anger — and in turn realize that we can recreate May 31st anywhere, anytime, and with anyone.

8. The idea that only “white anarchists” participated in Sunday’s revolt is insulting to Black, Indigenous, and other racialized protesters who risked it all. Whoever said that must not have stuck around for very long. After the second and third waves of tear gassing, the majority of white marchers had gone home, leaving behind crowds of mostly Black protesters east and west of Saint-Urbain. In any case, all accomplices fighting alongside us are appreciated, more so than those of us reproducing police behavior or who are only concerned with keeping up with the Joneses of the white world — a world that suffocates us. Their success is a testimony of individual perseverance but never of a collective victory. We fight for an entirely different world.

9. Finally, when we chant “no justice, no peace”, we literally mean it. We want to bother those who can usually afford to live their lives oblivious to our pain. Last Sunday, as we were running to the rhythmic clanking of construction signs bouncing off the pavement and to the sound of glass shattering, it felt for a moment like those satisfied with the prevailing order wouldn’t be able to ignore us. No justice? Then no peace.

Piles of Bricks and Other Things That Are Beside the Point: 11 Arguments Against Protest Conspiracies

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Jun 052020
 

From North Shore Counter-Info

(There is also a PDF of this text available for printing)

We’ve seen a lot of people on social media spreading rumours and sharing conspiracy theories about the uprising currently going on South of the border. These might be rumours about potential white supremacist attacks and interventions or conspiracies about police agents being responsible for violence carried out by protestors. This kind of online behaviour is harmful and undermines the movements you’re probably trying to support, and we thought we’d take a minute to break down why we should collectively push back against this trend.

1) Riots, that includes activities such as throwing bricks and other things that could be classified as violent, are and have been historically part of inciting social change. For better or for worse, there is a long history of rioting in America (and elsewhere), some of the more popular U.S. examples include the Watts Riots, the Compton’s Cafeteria Riot and then Stonewall, the Rodney King Riots, and more recently events like the Ferguson Uprising. Riots happen for a lot of different reasons and under a variety of circumstances, but it is usually (at least in part) the result of nothing else working, of being ignored, unheard, and push to a breaking point. Sometimes they’re both unavoidable and necessary, and have an important role to play in struggle.

2) Rioting, brick throwing, and other violence does not and should not de-legitimize a movement. Often such events are the only thing that make those who are less impacted pay attention – police kill black people and others, all of the time and it doesn’t get the attention in deserves. Police in America have killed several black people since the COVID crisis broke out, for example Breonna Taylor amongst others, and business as usual continued. So many people are paying attention right now because of how people have responded to the death of George Floyd and how that response has spread. The fact that people are now paying attention is proof of the efficacy of these tactics.

3) Related to the first two points, violent protest can actually help and work in tandem with non-violent protest rather than detract from it. Many of the most common examples of pacifist resistance and its successes weren’t accomplished alone and in a vacuum. Rather, non-violent movements were taking place alongside other more militant movements working towards similar goals but pursuing different strategies and tactics. For example, you can’t look at the Civil Rights Movements in the U.S. and figures like Martin Luther King, without also considering the Black Panthers and other armed groups. It is common that the existence of more militant groups/events create a context in which those in power are forced to engage with other groups that appear more moderate in comparison. This isn’t necessarily desirable and cooptation is real, but this is part of understanding struggle and how society changes over time.

4) Many conspiracy theories are focused on bricks being left near protest sites, as if that is the only thing causing violence. But people having been using a range of tactics since the beginning, including many a lot more violent than throwing bricks. People have guns and are shooting police, people are committing arson and burning buildings to the ground, along with doing vandalism, looting, and more. And violence is certainly not only coming from anti-racist protestors, on the contrary the vast majority of violence is coming from elsewhere. White supremacy prevails – racist cops kill with impunity, white supremacists hold political office, and millions of black folks are locked behind bars, to say nothing about the intense socio-economic inequality. In the face of this reality, any way that those under attack decide to respond is both fair and legitimate, and it’s important to support rather than critique it.

5) The argument that violent and/or confrontational protest brings down state violence and repression is problematic on several fronts. First and foremost, it is simply untrue. There are many different factors that go into what the state’s response to protest will look like, and this isn’t just tied to whether it is peaceful or not. It also include things like the identities/social locations of those involved, perceived level of threat to the status quo, potential to spread etc. There are lots of examples of the state responding violently to completely peaceful protests and this is not something within the control of those fighting back. The ability of the state to use violence is a political reality – this movement has had broad support, and that has done more to restrain the police than the tactics chosen by demonstrators. Supporting people on the streets, rather than delegitimizing resistance does more to keep people safe.

6) Furthermore, the argument that conflictual demonstrations bring down state violence shifts the blame from those responsible and who should be accountable (i.e. those acting to violently suppress a movement) to those, who in this case, are fighting for survival in the face of intense, every day structural violence. To put it differently, if a woman was in a physically abusive relationship, decided one day to fight back, and was severely beaten or killed by her partner, the issue here and where the blame should fall would not be on the women, but the partner. The same applies here, the issue and where blame should be placed is on the state and white supremacy, and not those defending themselves.

7) Agent provocateurs, undercovers, and other state agents, absolutely exist, but that is beside the point. Emphasizing this fact shifts focus from other more important things, and creates several different issues. It helps to prop up and promote conspiracy theories that strip away black peoples’ agency, erases their experiences and actions, and gives way too much space and credit to police. Sure, state agents might agitate violence and maybe leave out and/or pick up some projectiles, cops do sketchy shit and try to entrap people all the time. That doesn’t really matter though, because the huge majority of people throwing bricks and engaging in other confrontational activities aren’t police. Police don’t start riots and they certainly don’t maintain/continue them, people do and for good reasons.

8) Building on the above point, not only is it untrue to attribute such activities exclusively to state agents, but it also damaging and potentially dangerous. It can make people think that only cops would do confrontational or violent things, so those who do that for their own reasons come to be seen as doing the work of the state or as harming the cause. This helps to perpetuate the good protestor vs. bad protestor narrative in which some people’s activities are viewed as inherently legitimate and other’s activities as inherently illegitimate. Instead of allowing space for a diversity of tactics and approaches, and creating opportunities for coalition building, solidaristic actions, and complimentary work, it sows seeds of distrust, creates divisions, and facilitates conflict. This is what the state wants, and is one of the central strategies (COINTELPRO is just one well-known example) through which it tries to disrupt, discredit, and otherwise hinder resistance. The state doesn’t want people rioting, it wants people infighting.

9) Beyond being damaging, attributing violence exclusively to state functionaries is actually dangerous and jeopardizes people’s safety in at least two different ways. In the first case, it can create a situation in which protestors attack other protestors on the basis that they think/assume (wrongly) that others are either police or working for police. So, if the rumour spreads and gains traction that police are instigating violence and throwing bricks, those who are not police and not working for police but choose to do such things, can be targeted and attacked in the heat of the moment by a crowd who thinks they’re cops. Bad-jacketing/snitch-jacketing without confirmation/concrete proof can get people seriously hurt.

10) In the second case, if it is believed that anyone who engages in certain activities (whether or not they’re state agents) is detracting from or harming a movement, overzealous folks may take on the role of trying to manage (i.e. like a work manager) a protest or even police other protestors. In such instances, “peace police” may actively try to stop somebody’s actions (usually through physical restraint) or in the worst cases, try to do a “citizen’s arrest” of a fellow protestor and turn them into the police (where they will likely face violence). A particular awful video was recently circulating in which a protestor was breaking up pieces of concrete from the road presumably to throw, when another group of protestors surrounded them, tackled them to the ground, and dragged them over to a line of riot cops.

11) Fighting for change is messy, complicated, contradictory, and yes, sometimes violent. This is true throughout the history of social movements and remains true today. Violence can be empowering, it can engender change, and sometimes people have no other choice – sometimes the world needs to burn so that something new can be built in its place, and it is so important to respect the autonomy of black people resisting. Struggle takes all kinds, looks many different ways, and entails a huge diversity of activities. Right now, instead of speculating or spreading rumours, we should be focusing on how can we engage with, take risks for, and support what is happening, in real, material ways and not just on social media (which causes much more harm than good).

Published at https://www.facebook.com/notes/the-tower/piles-of-bricks-and-other-things-that-are-beside-the-point-11-arguments-against-/3638920042801730/

 

Call for International Solidarity: Storm Their Fragile Bastions of Power

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Jun 032020
 

From Revolutionary Abolitionist Movement

Revolutionary greetings from the insurrection sweeping throughout the occupied territories of the so-called United States of America. We are asking comrades across the world for immediate and unrelenting acts of solidarity against the United States.

In the past few days, we have accumulated experiences that amount to decades of learning. In doing exactly what we previously thought was impossible, we have exposed this country for what it truly is: nothing more than a fragile paper tiger. Tearing at its massive technological police state, the black people of America have demonstrated that they will from hereon refuse to ever be intimidated by a power structure upheld by white terror and violence.

In its desperation, the State is now propagating the falsehood that this rebellion is being led by white outside agitators. We’ve all heard these lies before, most prominently in their history books, where they trot out fictional narratives about how Lincoln freed the slaves. This is nothing other than a more recent installment of an old paternalistic trick by the white supremacist establishment to deny black people the intelligence, the spirit, and the autonomous will to direct their own rebellion and free themselves. As the history of this miserable nation repeats itself once again, what has become clearly evident is that black people have been and will continue to be the only revolutionary force that is capable of toppling the oppressive status quo.

Everywhere the pigs have lost their will to fight. Their eyes, which only yesterday were windows to empty hatred and contempt, now display stultifying self-doubt and cowardice. For once, their behavior portrays their weakness as every step they take back is marked by hesitation.

Whether on the domestic or international front, we can see the Man’s backs up against the wall and so it is the time to be at our most tenacious. We cannot give him an inch to squirm wherever he has put pilfering uncalloused hands. This means that we are calling for all revolutionaries around the world to swarm with antagonistic actions and flood the streets with public demonstations.

Together, if we keep pushing, this land of chattel slavery, indigenous genocide, and foreign imperial aggression can finally be wiped out so that it will only be remembered as one of the more ugly chapters in human history. In turn, each step ushers in the freedom and the solidarity that crowds out the space of our once silent and unheard screams.

All power to the black insurgency!

Storm their vulnerable bastions of power!

Revolution now and always!

Bring the Uprising Home

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Jun 022020
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

Supporting the uprising spreading across America over the police murder of George Floyd means bringing it home. We got a sustained glimpse of exactly that Sunday in Montreal, as for the first time in years, the police lost control of downtown for an extended period of time.

After the end of the organized march, a young and multi-racial crowd fought the police outside SPVM headquarters, responding to tear gas with rocks and bottles. People erected barricades and set fires to slow police movements. Over the following hours, hundreds of demonstrators continued to hold space in the street, as storefronts were smashed and goods expropriated up and down Ste-Catherine, the main shopping artery, including at Birks, a high-end jewelry store, which was also attacked with a molotov.

We’ll leave out a play-by-play of the night, to respond to a dynamic that we think could limit our capacity to resist, going forward. While Sunday proved that a wide of array of people are ready to fight back against a system that is rooted in genocide and the ongoing violence of racialized domination, some of the loudest voices during and after the action in the streets have been those clinging to “peaceful protest” as the only acceptable form of resistance.

Relying on rumors and false information, the narrative of white “outside agitators” borrows from white supremacist propaganda and erases the agency of Black people courageously resisting oppression by any means necessary. It’s a narrative aimed at dividing movements and delegitimizing our shared anger and resolve. As anarchist people of color in the United States wrote recently:

Self-pronounced leaders have tried to insinuate that anyone who desires conflict with the police after the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis are “White people [who] DON’T get to use Black pain to justify living out riot fantasies.” As if the real white fantasy isn’t people of color policing their own behavior in order to save the white supremacist society from being destroyed. This is an old trick that is worth being exposed, again.

Against these narratives which make it easier for the police to maintain control and keep killing, let’s not hesitate to say clearly that the standard by which we choose how to fight will not be legality or civil-society respectability.

It’s legitimate to attack the police, an institution designed and dedicated to violently suppressing Black people’s freedom, enforcing the theft of native land, and defending those who get rich by exploiting us. By doing so, and by gaining the confidence and tactical capacity to win space and time, we show that we don’t need to accept their hold over our lives.

It’s legitimate to barricade the streets and set fires – to transform an urban environment built for policing into something that might give us a chance of success.

It’s legitimate to loot stores, because everyone should have nice things, and a world that values commercial property over Black lives continues to put people like George Floyd and Regis Korchinski-Paquet in grave danger of premature death.

These should form the starting point for all conversations about how to engage in a diversity of tactics in the streets, conversations which must also address the effects of our actions on those we’re sharing the streets with, how to keep each other safe, and the goal of developing a capacity for conflict with an understanding that we don’t all face the same level of risk.

Many of those policing other demonstrators’ actions go as far as to photograph or film them attacking the police or property, afterwards posting this information on the internet in an attempt to identify and put more people in the hands of the police. To resist this trend, we want to remind everyone present to intervene directly if you see people filming during riots; tell them to stop and if necessary make them stop. And to the brave people breaking glass and starting fires, remind one another to keep your faces covered.

A genuine insurrection is underway south of the border. While the uniquely bloody legacy of racism in the United States gives the rage boiling there a certain anchoring in geography, antagonism toward the police is undeniably universal, and anti-Black racism is deeply engrained in the history of Quebec and Canada. Will we face up to this history-bending moment and find meaningful ways to engage, to extend the revolt, or shrink into scripted, activist displays of superficial “solidarity”? The time is now to bring the uprising home.

Fascism and Antifascism during a Pandemic

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May 292020
 

Members of Portland-based anti-fascist collective PopMob and the Rosehip Medic Collective are producing hand sanitizer for distribution in the community.

From Montréal Antifasciste

The pandemic that hit the entire planet full force beginning in January 2020 has, at least temporarily, completely altered the political climate, given that the lockdown and the ban on gatherings mean that social movements cannot default to their traditional tactics, e.g., demonstrations to denounce injustice and propose solutions. Far from being some pause or time out, the pandemic constitutes, among other things, an increasingly intense political situation, during which class relations exhibit their inherent violence at its bluntest. Racialized minorities and poor neighbourhoods experience the carnage at its most brutal, domestic violence rises as the lockdown drags on, the police forces take advantage of the state of emergency to harass and abuse the people they usually target with even greater abandon, people from immigrant communities, particularly Asians, are even more stigmatized than usual, the state issues decree after decree to force large sections of the population to work in unsafe conditions for starvation wages in the name of its sacrosanct economy, and on it goes.

That being said, let’s start by taking a look at how the far right is spending its time during the pandemic before we talk about what the antifascist and antiracist movements are doing.

 

The Far Right and a Thousand and One Conspiracies

Even if the lockdown means it is quieter than usual, the far right is tripping over itself to advance conspiracy theories, each one more delusional than the last, sometimes even calling for an uprising, i.e., civil war, in the name of “the nation.” Even when largely confined to the social media universe, the brown plague remains toxic.

The far right is particularly susceptible to conspiracy theories and works overtime to spread them. According to one poll conducted in France from March 24 to 26, 2020, for example, 26 percent of the population of France believes that Covid-19 was intentionally manufactured in a laboratory (for a decent overview of the actual origin of the virus, click here). This already significant proportion of the population rises to 38 percent among Rassemblement National voters (RN, formerly the Front National, the main French far-right party). Only 32 percent of the French electorate think that the virus developed and spread naturally.

Similarly, in the US, a Pew Research Center poll conducted from March 10 to 16, 2020, found that 29 percent of the population believe that Covid-19 was manufactured in a Chinese laboratory (23 percent thinking it intentional and 6 percent believing it was an accident). As in France, it is younger and less educated people who are most prone to holding these beliefs. And, as in France, the most conservative sections of the right are the most susceptible: 21percent of Democrats believe the virus was manufactured in a laboratory, as opposed to 37 percent of Republicans, rising to 39 percent among more conservative Republicans.

The far right’s propensity for conspiracy theories is the product of an anti-intellectual and anti-scientific discourse based on the principle that globalist elites are working in the shadows (although some people on the far left share this perspective, the key influence of Marxism and materialist theory within the left means a greater tendency to prioritize structural dynamics and power relations). Furthermore, the far right employs biological metaphors when talking about “the nation,” often casting immigration as the introduction of foreign matter and pathogens —in short, as something akin to a virus. This creates a certain affinity between the far right’s xenophobic discourse and the way it understands the pandemic, essentially seeing the latter as an external threat manipulated by ill-intentioned forces rather than an unfortunate biological development.

Finally, conspiracy theories spread as a result of the contradictions and incoherencies of government policies, as well as the lack of transparency governments develop to conceal their true priorities and the errors they make in managing the pandemic. The grey areas that arise all allow various political actors to advance their prejudices and suspicions and facilitate bridge-building among conspiracy theories, including those surrounding vaccination (i.e., the anti-vaxxers) or 5G telecommunications technology.

These delusions cause the far right to vacillate between paranoia (Covid-19 was manufactured for nefarious purposes) and indifference (Covid-19is not as serious as governments or “globalist” entities like the World Health Organization [WHO] claim). Starting from there, an obvious conclusion is that the pandemic is a huge hoax and a strategic diversion allowing for the imposition of a hidden agenda: e.g., forcibly vaccinating the entire population (something that Bill Gates allegedly promotes), using phoney vaccinations to implant microchips, imposing socialism, or carrying out a coup d’état to install a “globalist” dictatorship.

 

Instrumentalizing the Pandemic

Whatever their approach, the far-right forces are using the pandemic to once again decry any renewed immigration (alleged to be responsible for the spread of the virus), to demand that the borders be closed, and to glorify “the nation” (the fact being that during the pandemic most of the far-right political forces have simply carried on trumpeting their usual cant, Marine LePen in France and Matteo Salvini in Italy being cases in point.) Meanwhile, in Québec, as we recently wrote, the neo-fascist group Atalante has hung banners with slogans like“ Le Mondialisme Tue” [Globalism Kills] and “Le Vaccin Sera Nationaliste” [The Vaccine Will Be Nationalist]. In harmony with this message, right-wing journalists like Éric Duhaime have also implied that the catastrophic failure of the Legault government to contain the virus is, in fact, the fault of refugees, Duhaime  specifically linking the situation in Montreal to the irregular border crossings at Roxham Road.

Other sections of the far right go much further, notably the neo-Nazis influenced by James Mason, including the Atomwaffen Division and other protagonists of the so-called revolutionary “accelerationist” wing, who see Covid-19 as the antidote to the “great replacement” and “white genocide” and hope that the state will collapse, the idea being that this would lead in turn to an ethno-nationalist revival. From this point of view, the virus is seen as a biological weapon that can be used against ethnic and racialized minorities.

Anti-lockdown protesters in Quebec City, on May 17, 2019.

Since mid-April 2020, the political instrumentalization of the pandemic has taken on a new form, with the advent and spread of anti-lockdown demonstrations. Although participation has been infinitesimal, these demonstrations have often garnered significant media coverage. In Montréal, there was little interest and the demonstration only drew a handful of imbeciles. In Québec City, however, it did have a somewhat greater resonance. On Saturday, April 25, 2020, around one hundred people gathered outside the Assemblée Nationale to denounce the lockdown, vaccinations, and 5G technology . Then, on May 17, a convoy of between sixty and one hundred people drove from Montreal to Quebec City to protest the lockdown.

During the same period, there have been similar rallies in a number of cities in English Canada . While most of these rallies have primarily attracted people who are not active in the far right, there has been a (so far largely uncoordinated) far-right element that has taken the lead in some localities. In Calgary and Hamilton, members of the decentralized Yellow Vests movement have continued holding their weekly mini protests, integrating Covid-skeptic and anti-lockdown themes into their messaging and in some cases filming hospitals to “prove” that there is no real medical crisis. Meanwhile, in Vancouver, anti-lockdown rallies have included neo-Nazis yelling at passersby, calling them “Chicoms” (a slur for Chinese Communist), traitors, and “libtards”.

In the US, however, these demonstrations have grown quite a bit larger, benefiting from President Trump’s explicit support, including his use of Twitter to call for the “liberation” of Democratic states that had imposed a strict lockdown. Hundreds of people, in some cases thousands, have participated in car caravans, sometimes demonstrating outside of the legislature in the states in question, even pushing the envelope as far as going into the building armed to the teeth, as was the case in Michigan on Thursday, April 30, 2020. These demonstrations are of a whole cloth with neo-Nazi Timothy Wilson’s failed March 24, 2020, attempt to bomb a hospital in Benton, Missouri, to denounce the city mayor’s lockdown policy. He was killed by the FBI before he could carry out his plan.

These anti-lockdown demonstrations, where we find conspiracy theory placards next to anti-immigrant, anti-Semitic, and anti-communist slogans, as well as Nazi flags, offer a meeting place and a potential basis of unity for the conservative right and the far-right. Far from being a spontaneous expression of the despondency caused by the lockdown, they are financed by wealthy families and Republican foundati, including the Dorr family and the Michigan Freedom Fund, which maintains a close relationship with secretary of education Betsy DeVos, et actively supported by conservative organizations like Freedom Works and the Tea Party Patriots, part of the “Save Our Country” coalition.

One organization that has played a central coordinating role in these demonstrations is American Revolution 2.0, which is not only directly tied to the organizations mentioned above but also to far-right websites, a number of which are specifically racist and promote paramilitary organizations like mymilitia.com .

The vast majority of participants in these anti-lockdown demonstrations are white, which is no accident. The fact is that Covid-19is particularly impacting ethnic and racialized minorities. In a number of US states, African American community   and Latinx communities are extremely overrepresented in the infection and death statistics. These numbers directly reflect the historical impact of social and racial inequalities in the US. African American and Latinx minorities are not only affected because they are statistically in worse health and less likely to have health insurance than the white population, but also because they are over-represented in employment sectors that cannot work from home, and are, therefore, more likely to be exposed to the virus. Similarly, centuries of genocidal policies have left Indigenous people particularly vulnerable to this pandemic. In the United States, as in Canada, many Indigenous communities have poor access to clean water and suffer from overcrowding, factors that greatly facilitate the spread of the virus. It is these very factors that are behind tragedies like the Navajo Nation currently having the highest per capita rate of Covid-19 infection in the United States.

We can, therefore, hypothesize that the whites participating in the anti-lockdown demonstrations do so, in part, because they don’t care about the carnage being experienced by minorities and are unwilling to pay the price necessary to protect them. This sacrificial logic renders the lives of minorities irrelevant. Given the givens, might it not be argued that, in the US, demonstrating against the lockdown is an expression of white privilege? Be that as it may, these demonstrations aid the spread of the virus and, therefore, actually increase the necessity of a lockdown.

Even if they are not necessarily behind them, far-right organizations see the demonstrations as fertile ground for expanding their influence. They see a way to capitalize on the situation, to clean up their image, to recruit new members, and to influence the post-pandemic era. Having supported the demonstrations on Telegram and Facebook, the far-right Proud Boys have now begun to reframe them on the basis of their visceral hostility to antifascists.

For example, they described the disruption of anti-lockdown caravans in Denver, Colorado, by nurses as antifascist actions, which from the point of view of the Proud Boys is the equivalent of anti-American. An article published on the Florida Proud Boys website was titled: “Antifa Healthcare Workers Clash with Anti-Lockdown Protesters in Colorado”. Obviously, the Proud Boys don’t know anything about the actual political views of the nurses and don’t really care about the complex issues underlying these socio-political conflicts. They are acting to both delegitimize their adversaries and to contribute to the normalization of a far-right discourse based on dichotomous categories.

The Proud Boys are adjacent to the networks that have developed a discourse around the concept of a coming second civil war in the US, which they call the “boogaloo,” referencing the 1984 film Breakin’ 2: Electric Boogaloo, which they associate with wearing Hawaiian shirts… Obviously, it’s tempting to just mock this—suffice it to say, it has inspired numerous memes. Nonetheless, Tech Transparency Project, a non-profit that monitors the tech industry, has identified approximately 125 Facebook groups dedicated to the “boogaloo.” More than 60 percent of these groups were created in the last three months, i.e., since the beginning of the pandemic and the lockdown, and thousands of participants are blithely discussing weapons, explosives, military tactics, and civil war.

At this point, the far-right’s strategy does not appear to be bearing fruit. The vast majority of Europe’s far-right parties are stagnating and declining in the polls, and the various radical groupuscules remain marginal. In early May, a majority of public opinion remained favorable to the lockdown, prioritizing public health over the economy. Nonetheless, we shouldn’t underestimate the far-right’s capacity to quickly bounce back once the pandemic is under control and public debate turns to the cost of managing it. A massive rise in unemployment and years of austerity will provide them with a fertile setting. Furthermore, the significant growth of Telegram and Facebook groups associated with the far right testify to the force of attraction of the far-right discourse. That’s not going to disappear with the end of the pandemic. It is easy enough to imagine one pandemic being replaced by another; in this case a pandemic of nationalism and authoritarianism. There’s a reason for the frequent references to a “brown plague” when discussing the rise of fascism in the 1930s.

It is important to note that while the anti-lockdown demonstrations have a pernicious racism to them, the indifference to marginalized social groups has also been crystallized in the largely avoidable widespread death in long-term care facilities. These deaths are of a whole cloth with the open discussion of denying ventilators to disabled people in the event of a shortage. For example, on April 19, CBC reported:

“The Ontario guidelines also recommend withdrawal of ventilator support of those at higher mortality risk, in order to prioritize those at lower risk, depending on the level of scarcity. For example, under the most serious shortage scenario, a 60-year-old patient with moderate Parkinson’s would be refused access to a ventilator or be withdrawn from it in favour of one without this condition.”

Not surprisingly, given that this argument is utilitarian in a way the borders on eugenics, disabled people fear that this would mean they would be denied lifesaving measures if their care threatened the recovery of an able-bodied person. There is much that could be written about what it means about a society when it shows a ready willingness to sacrifice its elders and most vulnerable members at the first sign of crisis. At the very least it indicates an evaluation of human life based on productive capacity that has infiltrated popular thought as neoliberalism has shifted not only our economic and social systems but our very way of understanding the value of life.

 

For a Safe and Healthy Antiracism and Antifascism

The developments discussed above indicate the importance of continuing to monitor the far right, which means identifying the players involved, tracing the links among them, and documenting their activities, so that we are in a position to act when it becomes necessary. That said, the urgency of the situation created by the pandemic requires that the antifascist movement show solidarity and support and contribute to mutual aid projects. While far-right networks fantasize about using the virus against minorities and are embracing survivalism and stockpiling food and first aid products, far-left and antifascist networks and collectives have established systems for producing and distributing masks and antiviral gels, as well as staffing food banks. These divergent priorities and practices should serve as a rebuke to those people suffering from acute stupidity that for years have blindly repeated the line that the two extremes are simply reflections of one another, the far right and far left simply being two sides of a single coin, and other crap of that sort.

Mutual aid has a long history, stretching back as far as the “natural selection” described by Charles Darwin. In his classic work Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution, published as a series of articles in the nineteenth century, the Russian anarchist Peter Kropotkin attempted to demonstrate the central importance of mutual aid for survival and prosperity, not only among humans but for a significant number of species. He wrote:

“The mutual-aid tendency in man has so remote an origin, and is so deeply interwoven with all the past evolution of the human race, that it has been maintained by mankind up to the present time, notwithstanding all vicissitudes of history. It was chiefly evolved during periods of peace and prosperity; but when even the greatest calamities befell men—when whole countries were laid waste by wars, and whole populations were decimated by misery, or groaned under the yoke of tyranny—the same tendency continued to live in the villages and among the poorer classes in the towns; it still kept them together, and in the long run it reacted even upon those ruling, fighting, and devastating minorities which dismissed it as sentimental nonsense.”

The current epoch is not an exception to this rule, and this most recent calamity simply brings us once again face to face with the hardships that humanity has already encountered and overcome numerous times over the course of its history, as well as returning us to the principles that always underlie the solutions developed to address the recurrent challenges: solidarity, cooperation, and mutual aid. In the face of the incompetence exhibited by governments and in opposition to the cruelty proposed by the ruling classes, it is more often than not at a community level that neighbours and autonomous mutual aid networks develop the most effective responses to the difficulties faced by the most vulnerable among us during periods of crisis. This is summed up in the title of a book by the feminist Rebecca Solnit, who was inspired by Kropotkin: A Paradise Built in Hell: The Extraordinary Communities that Arise in Disaster (Penguin 2009); also see her article on the subject published in The Guardian).

Members of Portland-based anti-fascist collective PopMob are producing hand sanitizer for distribution in the community.

A concrete example among many worth noting would be the work of the antifascist collective PopMob PopMob, in Portland, Oregon, which, working together with the Rosehip Medic Collectiveis producing antiviral gel for distribution to frontline workers, to a number of community groups, and in poor neighbourhoods. Their production line, with a team of some ten people, works four to six hours a day, six days a week, at Q Space, an LGBTQ2SIA+ community space. All production is paid for with donations received by the Rosehip Medic Collective and through a GoFundMe campaign. As Effie Baum, a PopMob spokesperson, explains:

“A big part of anti-fascism is community defence and supporting your community. This was a way to provide supplies to communities who had no other way of getting them. There’s a lot of power in people power, community building.”

This reasoning presupposes a redefinition of what we mean by antifascist militancy, one that goes beyond macho clichés that focus on physical confrontation with far-right militants. It means opening our perspective up to genuinely include taking care of others—i.e., the work of “caring”—as part of antifascist action. Radical antifascism is certainly about struggle, but it is also about caring and solidarity.

Extending this reasoning to the terrain of struggle, another interesting example, this one from Europe, is the People’s Solidarity Brigades, which denounce government neoliberalism while distributing masks, antiviral gel, and food to people in precarious situations and those working on the frontlines. Just as the antifascist movement talks about popular self-defence when responding to the far right, these brigades root their undertaking within the continuity of previous struggles and talk about health and safety as forms of self-defense in the face of the pandemic. Initially formed in Milan, Italy, the brigades rapidly spread to numerous European cities. In France, the idea was taken up by militants in Action antifasciste Paris-banlieue and collectives of undocumented people like the Gilets Noirs and, by early May, counted approximately 750 members in Île-de-France, where the brigades were organized by neighbourhood . As a callout for the creation of brigades in France explains :

“We cannot simply wait passively either for tomorrow or for fresh institutional interventions. We cannot rely on those who are primarily responsible for the dramatic situation we find ourselves in. We cannot trust those who, for far too long, have managed hospitals as businesses that must monetized for maximum profit. No, the state can at best manage the crisis. As in all situations, we must rely on our own initiative.

“. . . [A]s revolutionary activists from the wave of movement over the past few years—from the spring struggle against the labour law to the Yellow Vests insurrection—we saw this disaster coming. Caregivers have been mobilizing for many months to denounce the lack of beds and resources. Workers die every year at work due to lack of protection. Elderly people die in completely unacceptable conditions of isolation devoid of dignity. Everything that we are now seeing in the blinding light of day already existed yesterday, shrouded in media darkness; it is the life of those whom the bourgeoisie and the mainstream media treat as nonexistent—nonexistent for a social organization defined by private interest, profit, and competition, within which an increasingly large section of the population, that without which life itself cannot carry on, counts for nothing. . .

“Given that large-scale measures are undoubtedly necessary, even vital, we urgently need to vastly increase the level of autonomous popular organization to give substance to the watchword of self-defence, i.e., we must immediately begin working in solidarity for and with the populations most affected by the crisis, those who are of no structural interest to the state. To do so, we must also remove the question of care from the private sphere within which it has been confined for centuries just as it has been determined by a gendered and racialized hierarchy, and make it the springboard for rethinking our collective organization and our social reproduction.

“Our task in this context is not to replace humanitarian organizations but to orient the already existing disparate groups and those that have sprung up since the announcement of the lockdown around common objectives—in short, to put them on a politically antagonistic trajectory that assumes a break with the existing capitalist order as the strategic objective, with popular self-organization on a territorial basis as the origin of effective counterpower. . . . The solidarity we are talking about is not an empty principle meant to transcend antagonisms but, rather, something that will allow us to strengthen our offensive capacity. . .

“Self-defense from below, based on elements of mutual aid, with a particular focus on people in extremely precarious situations and those who are the victims of isolation and repression calls into question the idea that the defense of our communities can only be ensured by the establishment.

“This health-related self-defence should not, therefore, constitute a perspective of struggle limited to the duration of the epidemic emergency, and even less should it be thought of as a sectoral struggle. . . . Our “health and safety” self-defence is, as such, actually popular self-defence, in that it constitutes the opportunity to rethink our relationship to the modalities of social reproduction as a whole, that is to say, to the organized way that day in and day out, we produce and reproduce our lives. In that light, we must also question ourselves about the nature of the life we would like to join together to produce.

“Resistance is vital!”

In many cities, antifascists are at the heart of these projects, helping to build alliances with other autonomous groups within the far left. For example, in Lyon, the Groupe antifasciste Lyon et environ (GALE) has allied with anti-gentrification collectives like La Guillotière n’est pas à vendre and l’Espace communal de la Guillotière. Telegram threads were quickly established, with a telephone number to be called, and there is thread on Discord to coordinate collecting and distributing food . Or, to offer another example, in Switzerland, Action Antifasciste Genève and the Jeunes Révolutionnaires Genève created the Geneva People’s Solidarity Brigade – Yvan Leyvraz in memory of an international brigade member assassinated in Nicaragua in 1986.

Members of the Cooperation Jackson solidarity network, in Mississippi, produce 3D-printed masks for community distribution.

Beyond antifascist groups, left-wing forces in racialized communities have taken the lead in filling the vacuum created by Trump’s policies of neglect. In Mississippi, Cooperation Jackson, a cooperative network of groups in the state’s capital city, with its roots in the New Afrikan nationalist movement, has been working for many years to establish an economic basis for autonomy from racist state and federal governments. As early as April, Cooperation Jackson was producing both hand-sewn and 3D-printed masks for community distribution. Other communist and nationalist organizations within Black and Brown communities across the US have similarly been providing free PPE and organizing food distribution to vulnerable members of the community.

Members of the Hoodstock collective, in Montreal North, are putting together health kits for community distribution.

In Montréal, while many antifascist militants are directly involved in the various mutual aid networks on an individual basis, one of the key autonomous initiatives was developed by Hoodstock, an antiracist collective in the poor Montréal North neighbourhood, which has been particularly hard hit by the pandemic. Primarily focussed on the distribution of health and safety products and food to those in need, the Hoodstock campaign, nonetheless, explicitly places itself within the larger struggle for equality and social justice, as its callout makes clear :

“A health and safety crisis like the one we are currently experiencing shines a dramatic light on the systemic inequalities experienced by the population in Montréal North. Our borough is characterized by social problems that the authorities should have noticed sooner: insufficient health services and social services, food deserts, underfunded community organizations, a lack of alternatives to public transit, a lack of internet access, rundown housing, etc. Furthermore, Montréal North has an extremely high population density, which favours the spread of a virus. That’s why Hoodstock is taking action.”

Photo de Solidarité sans frontière/Solidarity across border/Solidaridad sin frontera.Also in Montréal, our comrades at Solidarity Across Borders, who ceaselessly denounce the detention centers for migrants, organized a caravan on April 19, 2020, to demand immediate freedom for all those being detained and status for all migrants . Imprisoning migrants is always unacceptable, but this is even more the case during the Covid-19 pandemic. In a similar vein, Solidarity Across Borders launched a fundraising campaign to support people without papers and help them to safely lock down during the pandemic:

“Our current system discriminates against migrants based on their immigration status, but the virus does not. If the recommended measures of physical distancing and self-isolation are to be effective, they must be accessible to all. This discrimination is untenable and cruel, as it puts an undue burden on the most vulnerable members of our community to contribute to the health and well-being of us all. Asking someone without status to make a choice between no longer being able to pay for their basic necessities or continuing to work is devastatingly unfair. And ultimately, this system puts us all at risk. The health of undocumented and precarious workers is the health of everyone, our lives are interconnected.”

This sort of campaign reminds us that respecting the lockdown and preventing the exacerbation of the pandemic requires specific social conditions. In short, it reminds us that health and safety issues are inseparable from social issues in general.

Beyond local specificities, the priorities are the same everywhere: find and distribute health and safety products, masks and gloves, non-perishable foodstuffs, books and toys, computers, etc. It is not simply of matter of responding to the pandemic with self-organization and mutual aid. Our response must also be political in nature, laying the groundwork for the struggles that will follow the end of the pandemic. We must also act to occupy the terrain and isolate the far-right forces, to make their post-lockdown remobilization efforts more difficult.

The political dimension can sometimes mean that particular mutual aid efforts are met with police repression. For example, On May 1, 2020, members of the People’s Solidarity Brigade in Brigade Montreuil, east of Paris, were kettled and harassed by the police while distributing food baskets; almost all of them were fined for “demonstrating.”  It’s worth noting in passing that Amnesty International has denounced illegal practices on the part of the French police during the lockdown, in particular, the illegal use of force, the use of dangerous intervention techniques, making racist statements, and the excess of controls in certain neighbourhoods (poor neighbourhoods are obviously subjected to greater control than bourgeois neighbourhoods). A similar situation has also been denounced in Montréal.

 

Some Thoughts About What Comes After the Pandemic

Given the nature of the pandemic, it’s hard to really imagine what will come after it, but we can nonetheless offer a few observations. To begin with, the stratospheric amounts spent to stabilize major corporations and, although much less so, to support the numerous people who have lost their jobs because of the lockdown, as well as the profound economic crisis that has already begun, mean that we can anticipate a brutal backlash in the months and years to come. All the rainbows in the world won’t protect populations that are already in a vulnerable and precarious situation because of aggressive austerity policies. The mutual aid networks that have appeared in recent months are essential and will be called upon to play a role in the post-pandemic period. As stated in the People’s Solidarity Brigades’ statement quoted above, defending our health and safety must go beyond the pandemic and the specific issues it raises to challenge the system of social reproduction and capitalism itself. Tomorrow, more than ever, our antifascism must be anti-capitalist!

The pandemic has also made it very clear just how dependent our societies are on the work of women, racialized people, and immigrants for their very survival. While the far right delights in macho fantasies and sees women as weak creatures who could not survive without men to protect them, it is precisely these women who are in the trenches of this pandemic, who do the essential work to keep our health care system afloat, and who pay the price for doing so. Furthermore, contrary to most of the world, in Québec, Covid-19 is hitting women harder than men; according to the Institut national de la santé publique du Québec (INSPQ), in early May 2020, women constituted 60 percent of infections and 54 of death. In the aftermath of the pandemic, it would be completely unacceptable for women to once again have their key contributions rendered invisible and their work devalued. Struggling for women’s work to be recognized is not only indispensable because it is just but is also necessary if we seek to prevent right-wing conservatives and the far right from reducing women’s liberation to a question of secularism, while downplaying the social and material dimensions of equal rights.

Similarly, while nationalists of every stripe talk ceaselessly about closing the borders, it is people who have immigrated who are in the frontlines at the hospitals, in the long-term care centres, and at the supermarkets, allowing the rest of us to lock down. Nonetheless, we’ve yet to hear any government acknowledge the benefits we gain from immigration and undocumented people during their daily press scrums, and, until we get some indication to the contrary, there’s no reason to believe that these “guardian angels” won’t be deported once the pandemic is under control. The independent MNA Catherine Fournier tabled a motion calling upon the Assemblée Nationale to recognize “the contribution of hundreds of asylum seekers, primarily of Haitian origin, who are currently working as health care attendants in Québec’s CHSLDs.” Fournier has also called upon the Canadian government “to quickly normalize their immigration status”, receiving majority support from all parties except the CAQ. Asked about this at a later press conference, François Legault disingenuously sidestepped the issue by suggesting that journalists not “confuse the separate issues of refugees, people who cross at Roxham Road, and the Haitian community”. Far from separate, these issues are, of course, intimately interconnected. [EDIT: Following widespread public outcry, on May 25th, Legault announced that his government was willing to “consider” allowing those workers to apply as immigrants rather than asylum seekers.]

It is incumbent upon us, beginning now, but, above all, continuing after the pandemic, to consistently stress both the benefits and the necessity of immigration. Faced with governments and nationalist forces that instrumentalize immigration for economic and/or electoral purposes, we must work to broaden the antiracist and antifascist front to effectively demand freedom of movement regardless of market needs and the mass normalization of status for both those with irregular status and non-status people.

We must also anticipate an ongoing concentration of state power in the name of controlling the pandemic, using emergency measures and instituting various far-reaching mechanisms for monitoring the population. While the identification and tracking of infected people can play an important role in preventing epidemics, we nonetheless seriously doubt that states and multinationals will use the data and information in a sound and disinterested way, but instead anticipate that they will use it control the population under the guise of addressing health and safety issues, which makes the struggle to maintain autonomous spaces beyond the scope of surveillance absolutely essential.

Finally, as it is likely the spectre of Covid-19 will return regularly to haunt us and that certain social distancing measures will remain in place for many months to come, possibly even many years, we need to find new ways of organizing and disrupting the dominant social order’s business as usual.

From Embers: History of Epidemics in Canadian Prisons

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May 242020
 

From From Embers

In the context of ongoing COVID-19 outbreaks in Canadian prisons and jails, I was curious about other times in history that prisoners have faced similar situations and especially times when prisoners have been released as a result. Today’s interview is with a local prison historian about epidemics and public health in Canadian prisons, mostly about the 19th and early 20th century. Also some stories about prisoners being released, what health care was like inside and outside of prison walls, and what kind of world people were returning to.