Montréal Contre-information
Montréal Contre-information
Montréal Contre-information

Sabotage of Ottawa factory producing parts for Israel’s F-35 warplanes

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Nov 042024
 

Anonymous submission to North Shore Counter-Info

Earlier this week a group of people sabotaged Gastops’ factory in Ottawa, the only place in the world where engine sensors are produced for Lockheed’s F-35 combat jets — including the ones dropping 2,000 pound bombs on Gaza. We cut the wiring inside all of the heat pumps on the Gastops roof, locked them out with official Ministry of Health and Safety lock-out tags, shut off the gas, broke the handles for their systems, and cut the lines to their backup communication system on the way out.

The following letter and photos were left on site:

It’s worth noting that we disabled their heat pumps as it begins to get cold here in Ottawa and as displaced people in Gaza and Lebanon plead with us to help them secure shelter, blankets, clothing, as they freeze in displacement camps. Earlier this month an Ottawa neighbour lost her uncle while he returned to his home in Gaza attempting to bring back blankets for the children so they would not freeze to death. He was murdered by air strike while doing so, likely by an F-35 that Gastops supplies parts to.

People growing tired of politicians continuing to support the slaughter of civilians in Palestine and Lebanon will continue to escalate actions seeking peace and an end to these war crimes.

Call to Action Against the PRGT Pipeline

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Nov 022024
 

Anonymous submission to BC Counter-info

As of August 2024, construction work has started on the Prince Rupert Gas Transmission (PRGT) pipeline. The project is owned by Western LNG and the Nisgaa Nation, the latter which has allowed for construction to start on their land first, the rural Nass river valley that sits adjacent to the Pacific ocean. State and industry are committed to developing an “energy corridor” through the remote region. The nearly completed and fiercely contested Coastal Gas Link pipeline was the first pipeline in the southern energy corridor, and PRGT is the first pipeline projected for the northern energy corridor. The line is set to end at Ksi Lisims LNG terminal (Nisgaa owned as well) where liquid and natural gas would be stored and prepared for export to international markets by tankers. LNG is being sold as a green alternative for those looking to shift away from coal. But the green transition is a lie. We know that energy, and its current reorganization, is inseparable from domination, capitalist exploitation and the extractivist logic that devastates the land. We propose attack.

Social tension is rising against PRGT. Multiple sites of resistance have been brewing across North-Central BC. In 2016, during the first attempts at construction, the Madii Lii camp was set up to blockade access to the pipeline right of way in the Suskwa valley in Gitxan territory. The camp remains to this day. Northwest of there, another Gitxsan blockade has been set up on the Cranberry Connector, the northern of the two roads into the Nass valley. Gitxsan people have a long history of defending their land, notably some anti-logging struggles in the 80-90’s, and expressing their solidarity with their Wet’swuwet’en neighbors by blockading railways. We stand in solidarity with native resistance, which will likely snowball into more blockades in key areas of the project. Conjointly, as anarchists we have our own projects of destruction. Autonomous attacks allow us to expand the methods of struggle, to engage in conflict at our own pace, how and where we sit fit, and to not compromise our visions and values. We propose an offensive struggle of diffuse blows carried out by affinity groups in dispersed formation, as others have said, to act without forming compact columns, without building permanent indefensible encampments. Instead, we seek to extend diffuse hostilities over a large terrain. 

An autonomous struggle against the PRGT pipeline project begins by looking at the tool and capacities we currently have, identifying what we need to learn and acting from that without delay. The project spans thousands of kilometers, the offices, homes and interests of the companies behind it are spread throughout Canada and beyond. An expansive practice of attack can identify and target these diverse sites. Below are lists of companies involved in the project as well as links to a map of the project’s right of way. More work should be done to identify additional companies involved and the findings should be shared via counter info sites.

Companies involved in PRGT project

  • Ledcor – Is a construction company operating primarily in Canada and United States. Ledcor operates in a wide range of industries, including the construction of buildings and civil infrastructure, technical services such as communication networks, forestry, mining, property development and management, transportation, marine operations, and several energy projects, including oil, gas, and Liquefied Natural Gas. Ledcor is leading the current phase of infrastructure upgrades necessary to begin pipeline construction. Ledcor is currently upgrading or maintaining roads, bridges, man camp sites etc.
  • Bechtel– Is an American engineering, procurement, construction, and project management company. Bechtel is managing the construction of the PRGT pipeline.
  • McElhanney – provides surveying, engineering, GIS & remote sensing, community & transportation planning, landscape architecture, environmental services, and more. McElhanney has been and continues to be responsible for surveying and monitoring of environment for the PRGT project. They have over 30+ locations across Western Canada. A McElhanney office near the PRGT project was the target of an anonymous arson in late September: https://bccounterinfo.org/2024/10/12/arson-attack-in-terrace-bc/

Resources

Block NATO

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Oct 302024
 

From the Convergence des luttes anticapitalistes

From November 22nd to 25th, NATO’s parliamentary assembly will be in Montreal for its mortifying circus. From a military alliance during the Cold War, NATO has today become the armed wing of Western countries, imposing its bellicose policies throughout the world. Faced with these war profiteers, it is imperative that we make our voices heard and combat their destructive logic. 

The impact of NATO on our policies is huge:

  • Increases to military budgets: This summit comes at a time when NATO is pressuring the Canadian government to increase the share of its GDP devoted to the armed forces to 2%, a 50% increase, while the Canadian government has already increased its military investments by 41% from 2014 to 2021. 
  • Destruction in the name of United-Statesian imperialism: Let’s not be fooled by the sterile language of Western forces; NATO’s interventions, far from being strategic and precise, are rather excessively powerful, disproportionate and imprecise. NATO destroys everything in its path, spreading misery and encouraging the multiplication of armed groups, all to preserve the interests of its member states, principally the United States, pillar of the alliance and giant of the military-industrial complex. This imperialist logic keeps the peoples of the Global South poor and dependent on the Global North.​​​​​​​
  • Aiding and abetting the Palestinian genocide: So-called Canada is complicit in the genocide in Palestine by contributing to the supply of weapons, facilitating economic and academic partnerships and, above all, by its unwavering support for Israel, NATO’s central ally. It is through military support for Zionist forces that NATO is able to maintain a strategic foothold in the Middle East, in order to advance the political and economic interests of its members.

Peace will not be won at the point of a gun, but by putting an end to imperialism and capitalism. It is in honor of all the colonized peoples of yesterday, today and tomorrow, here and elsewhere, that we call on your courage and determination to walk the streets with us!

On November 22, let’s take it to the streets en masse to make our anger heard! Let’s unite to remind States the world over that their hands will always be stained with the blood of the exploited, no matter how much they try to hide it in velvet gloves or laughable summits!

Together, let’s block NATO and affirm our rejection of militarism, imperialism and colonialism!

Date and time:
Friday, 22 November 2024 – 17:30

A journal written in 3 weeks in preparation for the NATO Parliamentary Assembly from November 22 to 25, 2024. The full document in pdf. Or just the English or French version.

Arson attack in Terrace BC

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Oct 182024
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

On the morning September 26th four vehicles were severely damaged as well as buildings nearby in an arson attack in Terrace BC.

With a little investigation we realized the vehicles attacked belong to McElhanney a company with a large portfolio providing surveying, engineering, GIS & remote sensing, landscape architecture, environmental services across western Canada. Near Terrace, McElhanney is working on the controversial PRGT pipeline, which has seen resistance via occupations and blockades. Further south the company has used GIS data to help plan work for the controversial TMX pipeline. In north eastern BC, McElhanney has worked on providing data and plans for the expansion of LNG well sites and pipelines.

We stumbled across this information via local media’s republishing of RCMP reports. It seems very little information has been shared by the RCMP. They chose to not publish photos or exact details. This is surprising considering the scale of the attack. Perhaps they would like to keep this news quiet.

Call for Autonomous Acts of Rage Against Colonization Everywhere on Monday October 14th 2024

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Oct 112024
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

“We will need each other to make sure that the flames, if they were to come, clear the area that we will live in together. We will need to clear it of the fuel that would end up repeating the problems we are currently having. We will need to make sure that the seeds, nutrients and soil are scattered beyond our ability to control.” Aragorn

We don’t just want a cease-fire, we want the Right of Return for all Palestinian people, for water to flow, and the traditions to stay alive. We can’t get back the countless lives lost, but we can honor and avenge them. And we will.

For the end of the struggle that is settler colonialism everywhere. Where the land is stolen, consent violated, the old ways forgotten – let it burn.

We hope that every colonizer who robs the lives and dignity of the land and the people on it understands that their great-grandchildren, and their great-grandchildren’s children are not going to be here because of their violence and indeterminate destruction.

We will still be here fighting for the next seven generations, but we will never forget the slaughter, and we will remember to make sure those grandchildren stay afraid of all that is wild.

The united states government now “recognizes” indigenous people’s day alongside columbus day. We must make this impossible to reconcile. We will remain illegible to them, and unknowable to all but each other and the stars above, the water below, and all that of the earth fighting back. We call out to the brave and the humble – all that is striving towards life, while defying management, capture, and domestication with a strength they could never know.

Find the connections, funders, manufacturers, advisors, politicians, gentrifiers, and all enemies of the people and the earth. You know who they are.

Find some friends and haunt those motherfuckers ghosts.

Montreal Summer Reflection: Liberalism, Its Counter-Revolutionary Dynamics & Peace Policing

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Sep 162024
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

The summer of Montreal came crashing into full force as the encampment movement bloomed across university campuses around the world. For many of us, it was the first time being apart of something bigger than us, challenging the status quo and experiencing a level of violence both from the institution and state. Even with all of this, and the many strides that were made, the connections that were made, we aren’t without fault and mistakes.

As I write this, I made the conscious decision to submit this piece anonymously both because of fear of being tied to the encampment movement and because of organizational entities that deemed themselves as leaders, who made existing within the camps an increasingly hostile environment. I believe the act of anonymity will allow a more honest reflection.

Liberalism & Counter-Revolutionary Dynamics:

What sets our tactics apart from liberals isn’t simply a matter of “diversity of tactics” that many of us might believe, but rather a fundamental disagreement on how material societal change occurs.

Liberalism promotes change through established institutions and democratic processes, it advocates for reform, with the current existing system that we spend so much of our time protesting and resisting against. The liberal agenda hopes to stabilize and improve the current system rather than overthrowing it.

Contrasting this with our tactics of militancy and a framework built on direct action, we reject the premise of incremental approaches and reform. We are in favour of immediate and significant upheaval, we are driven by the belief that freedom will only come through material radical change. I.e. real disruptive protests, strikes and economic sabotage to name a few.

It’s liberalism that attempts to convince us that the rule of bourgeois law and so-called “democratic institutions” are worth engaging with.

When in reality these rotten, immoral institutions are what brought the indescribable suffering of Palestinians, these institutions are the very tool that finances and supports genocide.

The summer has left a mark of a revolutionary zeal that ought to be put to use. It’s liberalism that comes to us with empty fluffy words, that come to us in the form of three to four letter orgs, these are the entities that attempt to delay us and prevent us from the kind of radical shift that has been needed within the global north since ’48.

We will not be convinced that this system is worth saving. We have no intention to reinforce structures that exploit us and our comrades around the globe by coming to a negotiation table. We have no intention in saving this system, our intention is to overthrow it by any means necessary, exactly what has been asked of us by the resistance in Gaza.

Peace Policing:

What has been a common reoccurring protest method, something that is not unique to Montreal, is the role of Yellow Vest/Protest Marshals. What was originally supposed to be a shield between protesters and police, has now become the first line of offense FOR the police. Myself and many others have witnessed the way yellow vests work in unison with police by giving out protest routes beforehand, controlling the way protesters express their anger and to maintain the dominance of a unelected hierarchal leadership to a specific organization. This past summer, all that the yellow vests have had to offer us is the strangling of enthusiasm, effectiveness and the inability to exhaust police resources correctly.

Orgs and groups who use this method of crowd control offer no protections and no culture of de-arresting. What the yellow vests accomplish is creating an environment that allows the job of the police be done for them. These protest marshals actively sabotage efforts of escalation in the hopes that playing by the rules will have their movements be seen as more “legitimate”. Yet, when has any demand been delivered by legitimacy alone? The mere act of standing against genocide has left a sour taste in the mouths of our enemies, is this who we must legitimize ourselves to?

I will close this section off with questions I have yet to find answers to. Who do the yellow vests protect when their back is to the police as they face the crowd? Who do they represent when they pull people off of sidewalks and pick up the trash cans that were thrown on to the ground, snuffing out our ability to move freely, and who do they mirror when they deicide how we protest?

Closing Off:

These past months have put us in an incredible position, one where we can reorient ourselves not to be stagnant. The movement must come together from many different fronts, where we can stand united not as a single banner but rather a mosaic of resistance, where the final blow against those who stand against us be laid.

My comrades and soon to be accomplices, there is no shortage of work.

With everything we know now, with all the mistakes that have been made, let us embark in the next part of this act, and may we be better equipped to handle whatever is thrown at us.

Reportback on the Disruption of Fierté Montréal’s Corporate Parade

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Aug 172024
 

From the F.A.G.S.

On Sunday, the F.A.G.S. and its queer and trans accomplices disrupted Fierté Montréal’s corporate, Zionist, colonialist pride parade.

We gathered at 1pm in drag bloc outfits and makeup in the spectator zone at Place Ville Marie. Nearly a dozen cops with SIS armbands mobilized to surveil our gathering, as clearly a group of queers at pride protecting each other from COVID is cause for suspicion. At around 1:30pm, towards the beginning of the parade, we took to the street as Helem, Mubaadarat, and Independent Jewish Voices’ Queer for Palestine float passed by. By marching behind their float as part of the parade for a short while, we managed to sooth the fears of the anxious piggies.

After briefly marching, we stood in place and deployed an extra-long banner to begin dispersing and disrupting the parade and deliver a speech on Fierté Montréal’s corporate pinkwashing. After this, we communicated with the members of the AGIR float behind us, allowing them and several other community floats pass and continue parading, before blocking the Bubly sparkling water float.

We continued marching and zig-zagging backwards through the parade, largely evading police intervention and briefly blocking various floats tied to Zionist corporate interests. Floats and contingents in solidarity cheered us on and raised their fists as we passed. A small contingent carrying Zionist flags approached. We attempted to block them by rapidly deploying a second extra-long banner, but police brutally pushed us to the side of the road and stole our banner.

As cop presence began to escalate, we decided to switch directions and march back towards the front of the parade, following and protesting the Zionist contingent. After halting the parade several times on our way back towards the front, we stopped at Jeanne-Mance and René Levesque. Here, we blocked the entire back portion of the parade, where almost all complicit floats were located.

During this time, police, Zionists, private security and Fierté marshals attacked and insulted us while bystanders cheered us on and chanted with us. Autonomous members of the Helem, Mubaadarat, and IJV contingent came back to join us after their successful and poignant die-in disruption. Other members of the community responded to our public call for support. Our numbers were boosted to around 150 demonstrators.

As pigs multiplied and donned their riot gear, as prisoner transport vehicles arrived, as Fierté begged us to allow their corporate parade to continue, as Zionists threw projectiles at us, as the hot August sun beat down on us, we stood our ground.

As cops shoved us, pulled us, hit us with batons, tried to steal our materials, threatened us, and brutalized us in front of a crowd of our fellow queers, we remained steadfast and defiant.

We blocked the parade at Jeanne Mance for nearly an hour before police and class traitor Fierté marshals worked together to redirect the parade to the other side of the median.

After the parade went by on the other side of the road, we marched down René Levesque chanting slogans against pinkwashing and police. The vast majority of bystanders cheered us on, while certain bystanders shouted racist vitriol at us, showing their true colours as Zionist, capitalist, colonialist white cis men. We eventually dispersed into the Metro. No arrests were made.

Though we didn’t manage to cancel the parade outright, we consider this action successful.

We blocked corporate floats long enough that many of their potential spectators further along the parade route left out of boredom. We showed queer bystanders and the media that police are not afraid to brutalize queers during a pride parade. We reminded the world that pride started as a riot against the police, not as a parade sponsored by corporate interests. We showed that as queers of conscience in Tio’tià:ke, like in Tkaronto, the Coast Salish territories colonially known as Vancouver, and elsewhere across Turtle Island and around the world, we will not accept a genocide in our names.

Fuck pinkwashing
Fuck Fierté Montréal
Fuck the police
No justice
No peace

Photo: @the_purple_line

L’espoir c’est la lutte: Reflections on the Night Demo of July 19th

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Aug 012024
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

On July 19th, under a calm night sky, over 60 people assembled in downtown Montreal to march for Palestine. The demonstration was publicized without using social media, resulting in no police presence visible at the gathering location. The account that follows comes from a couple of participants in the demo. We hope to share an understanding of what went down for those who weren’t there and make some suggestions for next time.

Around 10pm, the march set off, a front banner announcing “L’espoir c’est la lutte” alongside a circle-A, and a banner reading “Liberation to the people, liberation to the land” bringing up the rear. Snaking through streets beneath skyscrapers and chanting, the energy in the crowd gradually rose as we acclimated to the strange reality: no bike cops, no riot cops, no cops in front, in back, or on the sides, just us and our friends and comrades, and their friends and comrades, and theirs, our black bloc and keffiyeh bloc protecting us from the hundred or so surveillance cameras that would inertly record our stroll.

The march lasted sixteen minutes. Fireworks were set off upon reaching Square Victoria, site of the Al-Soumoud camp, dismantled two weeks prior. Demonstrators quickly began breaking bank windows, hitting a CIBC and Scotiabank. Heading against traffic on Saint-Jacques, we were greeted ecstatically by Friday night party-goers, who stepped into the street to cheer, and drivers who rolled down their windows to high-five black-gloved militants. Some supportive passersby began excitedly following the demo as it continued towards the Caisse de Dépot et Placement du Québec (CDPQ). The CDPQ, which had been singled out by the Al-Soumoud camp a block away, has $14 billion invested in companies complicit in the genocide in Palestine. Though its windows appeared challenging to break, several were tagged, several others shattered, and a smoke device was tossed through an opening into an office space, hopefully setting off sprinklers and causing water damage.

Police sirens could be seen and heard from multiple directions, but before SPVM commanders understood what was happening, the crowd dispersed and disappeared into the night. There were no arrests, and no one was injured.

While corporate media ignored the demo, video showing the march and direct actions circulated widely on social media, including on an arabic-language account with hundreds of thousands of followers.

The local struggle in solidarity with Palestine has seen a fair variety of tactics tested in short order over the past nine months. Night demos organized without inviting the police are a new one in this context. We may want to consider doing more of them.

A week earlier on July 12th, the SPVM sent riot cops to flank both sides of a small night demo announced on social media following the dismantling of the McGill camp. The cops entered the street alongside the march and pre-emptively attacked a side banner, ripping the banner out of people’s hands, swinging batons and deploying enormous quantities of pepper spray. The crowd’s tenacity was impressive, but it was not possible to overcome this degree of police violence and begin transforming the march into something greater. One role that a night demo without police can play is to respond to events like these, tending to our militant spirits and repairing our confidence, while showing that the SPVM is putting its units in danger for nothing by intimidating and brutally repressing demos, because our targets will get smashed regardless.

We also want to reflect on how different forms of demonstrations make it more or less possible to reach beyond our existing networks. What is striking in the interactions with enthused passersby on July 19th is how the normal police presence at a combative demo would have rendered these interactions impossible. Police doing traffic control typically redirect all vehicles away from a march, and the scale and aggression of police units on all sides of a demo is extremely intimidating, limiting the possibilities for action in the minds of onlookers – and objectively. No unprepared civilian in their right mind would try to join us. Without the separation imposed by the police, we can imagine doing more in the future to enable willing passersby to take the street with us. This could look like bringing a supply of masks to distribute to people, explicitly inviting them to join, and quickly sharing any important safety information in a friendly way with joiners.

A number of windows on the demo route unfortunately withstood the blows of hammers and rocks. This raises a question of tools. Chunks of porcelain as projectiles are more effective at breaking windows than either hammers or rocks. They’re also harder to source (ask a comrade), and more care must be taken when throwing to avoid injuring anyone. In the future, perhaps “hammer teams” could make the first attempt, and if a target proves too challenging, hand it off to a “porcelain team”.

The enthusiasm for this new tactic shows that the community is looking for a new format for demos. Beyond shattered windows, exploring what autonomous groups can do within demos without police suggests new horizons. We can test new tactics and mixes of old ones, or even police response times around different strategic areas in the city. We can also improve our speed and comfort level employing different tactics so we are not attempting things for the first time with cops breathing down our neck.

With the challenges of the past few months in demos announced on social media, even in contingents, perhaps this new format can also be seen as a mobilizing strategy. If we play our cards right, we can use it to speak to the public, spreading anarchist ideas and practices, so when we show up as a contingent in a public demo our orientation is known to those around us and they might be more encouraged to join us in actions. Hopefully, it will allow us to strike a balance, to be ready to raise the stakes and be strategic in enacting a successful plan, as well as being ready to respond combatively to police violence in bigger public demos alongside hundreds or thousands of others. 

Friday raised morale, built confidence and strengthened bonds of complicity. We need to find opportunities to achieve wins even when they are small and celebrate them. The same tactic can be utilized at strategic moments like a major event in the city, or to achieve strategic goals on short notice, or in response to significant police repression.

Let’s be honest, this was a fucking summer camp: a postmortem of the failures of UofT’s so-called People’s Circle for Palestine

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Jul 232024
 

Anonymous submission to North Shore Counter-Info

As the zionist entity’s siege on Gaza enters its ninth month, the now-dead People’s Circle for Palestine at UofT joins the ashes of Northwestern, McMaster, and numerous others as an exemplar of liberal cowardice in the face of a livestreamed genocide. Not only did this encampment fail to deliver on its stated goals of disclosure, divestment, and termination, it betrayed both the people that made it possible as well as the movement at large. Far from opening up new terrains of escalatory struggle, the organizers of this People’s Circle spent the sixty-three days of its existence working tirelessly to make it a remarkable case study in defanging and dismantling the budding militancy of the local movement. It perverted its own promises, violated every principle of liberatory organizing; it wasted multiple weeks sabotaging the efforts of its own comrades while thousands in Gaza continued to be murdered. It turned something that could have been revolutionary for the city’s organizing scene to a summer camp that years on will likely be remembered with nothing but shame. It was a disappointment and a disgrace.

Red flags had existed right from the moment it was launched, but one could be forgiven for having been optimistic back when the encampment was still within its infancy. For many in the city who were disillusioned by months of pointless rallies and hungered for more, there had initially been a few things to be optimistic about. By Toronto’s unfortunately low standards, breaking open the fences of an enclosed privately-owned space to set up camp while multiple banner-wielding crews physically blocked the police from interfering was pretty damn militant. Yet this sole act of breaking and entering, it soon became clear, was where the line was drawn. In the two months following the breaching of King’s College Circle’s fences, UofT saw not one single large-scale escalation for Gaza: no building occupations, no disruptions of Board of Governor meetings, not even convocation ceremonies were meaningfully targeted. In fact, forget escalation: even simple attempts to strengthen the encampment’s defenses were constantly shot down. Autonomous actors were repeatedly prevented even from building barricades and had to defy the organizers in order to reinforce the preexisting fences, and the tactics trainings independent crews had started in the camp were forced to a halt halfway through.

While encampments all across the world were courageously confronting police forces and taking on their universities in ever more creative ways, the organizers of the so-called People’s Circle chose to abandon the very possibility of a principled defense or strategic escalation, not only failing to build a movement that could sustain such a struggle but actively ensuring any elements that were interested in doing so were killed off. Rather than focusing on building up the community’s material capacity to defend itself and keep on escalating, the organizers focused on pandering to corporate media, on ‘deescalating’ confrontations with the pigs, on preventing any autonomous actions that might make them ‘look bad’ or ‘invite’ police repression. They devoted their time not towards principled resistance but towards crafting an image that portrayed them as ‘peaceful’ and ‘nonviolent’ in a futile attempt to initiate ‘good faith dialogue’ with a system that understands no language but violence. Instead of focusing on what they could do to continue targeting the infrastructures sustaining this genocide, they focused entirely on whether what they did remained legal, and whether it looked good on camera. And their flimsy excuses for taking this approach – namely that the risks of continued escalation were ‘too high’ to be worth it and that their priority was ensuring the continued ‘safety’ of all participants – remain precisely that. Flimsy excuses, rooted in an illusory liberal notion of ‘safety’ built on centuries of corpses.

Because there is no safety to be found in abiding by the laws of the state, nor is there safety to be found in pandering to its propagandists. It does not truly matter if an action is legal or not, because the law is fundamentally a weapon of the oppressor. If the armed swine that are supposed to enforce it are inclined to inflict violence, there is no law that will stop them. What can, however, is our own ability to evade capture, or to fight back. To defend ourselves not by appealing to the laws of our enemies but by the strength of our own ability. In the same vein, it does not matter if it looks good on corporate cameras – because for starters, no matter how legal and peaceful our actions are, it fucking won’t. Almost a year of witnessing corporate media’s relentless vilification of Palestine and her allies is more than enough proof that its sole raison d’être is to manufacture consent for genocide. Any positive press possibly gained by painting our actions at ‘legal’ and ‘peaceful’ comes at the cost of legitimizing the perceived necessity for legality and nonviolence – yet no act that poses a genuine threat to the state and its interests can ever remain either. Any ‘safety’ built upon seeking recognition and approval from the apparatus of our enemy is a ‘safety’ built on sand – and any ‘safety’ that disavows the praxis of genuine resistance is a ‘safety’ paid for in blood. Liberal notions of ‘safety’ within the imperial core are contingent upon our refusal to take the risks needed to end the continued slaughter of thousands of Palestinians. They are contingent upon letting people continue to face the ever increasing violence of manufactured poverty, of police and carceral brutality, of eugenicist policies, and of ongoing settler colonialism, right here in our own communities. We do not keep us safe by letting others be thrown under the bulldozers and tanks of colonial violence. No, as our friends at Palestine Action US tell us – and as the cowards within OccupyUofT refuse to understand – we keep us safe by escalating.

Yet OccupyUofT’s destruction of militant efforts within the encampment wasn’t merely a result of their deference to optics and legality, nor was it simply a matter of their own refusal to escalate. Organizers, after all, can be ignored, marshalls punched, and cameras smashed. For these liberal tendencies to make a dent, the rot had to go far deeper. The so-called People’s Circle’s steady dismantling of militancy was rooted ultimately in its deeply exploitative relationship to everyone outside its limited organizing circles, to the community at large, and particularly to so-called ‘outside agitators’. For some background, the People’s Circle was launched immediately after the academic year had ended, right as thousands of students were wrapping up with their exams and leaving the city. It could never have been sustained without the critical support of hundreds of local community members unaffiliated with the group and the university. It relied on ‘outside agitators’ since the beginning – yet said ‘outside agitators’ were unsurprisingly neglected at best, and vilified, isolated, assaulted, and forcibly driven out at worst. Organizers constantly demanded unending amounts of labor, love, and logistical support from the community, consistently exploiting people’s goodwill and commitment to the cause to sustain this summer camp, while reciprocating with neither care nor solidarity nor even basic respect.

Rather than empowering people to take independent initiative and do what needed doing, organizers consistently acted on arrogant, authoritarian tendencies, acting not to distribute power but to consolidate it among themselves and the select few they approved of. They withheld crucial information from others, refused transparency with regard to finances even though every cent of their funds was drawn from community donations, and created an internal culture where nothing could be done without asking for permission from the Right People. They refused to listen to criticism, acted as though they knew everything, and repeatedly patronized multiple people with far more experience in organizing. They demanded people trust them yet refused to reciprocate – not granting others any meaningful ability to participate in collective decisionmaking, while also simultaneously trying to sabotage autonomous organizing and telling people they have no right to make ‘unilateral decisions’. This so-called ‘liberated’ zone was marked foremost, therefore, by the almost immediate imposition of a hierarchy between the organizers and everyone else. Not an exit from the social order imposed upon us by those in power, but the recreation of the same within a microcosm that openly – and falsely – branded itself as revolutionary.

Every hierarchy, of course, requires the violence of its maintenance. It is thus entirely unsurprising that the range of tactics OccupyUofT employed to maintain this power structure, in several cases, was nothing short of abusive. Finding a number of natural allies amongst the liberal factions of large orgs like PYM Toronto and Toronto 4 Palestine, they and their extended network of liberal marshals and ‘deescalators’ subjected people to endless tone-policing, shut them off by invoking a supposed need for ‘maintaining unity’ and ‘centering Gaza’, weaponized identity politics even against Palestinians, and if those tactics didn’t work, harassed folks into either shutting up or leaving. They deliberately exposed people to police and Zionist violence, spread rumors about multiple individuals, publicly named comrades who’d explicitly said they did not want to be identified, and recklessly shared around people’s sensitive personal information without ever asking for their consent. Organizers relentlessly badjacketed and even copjacketed several militants, labelled them as ‘wreckers’ who shouldn’t be worked with, and in atleast one instance forcibly kicked them out of the camp after a sustained days-long witchhunt. They created a space that was not only against militant actions but actively hostile to militant presence, isolating, alienating, and traumatizing dozens of our city’s most experienced and committed organizers into no longer wanting anything to do with the encampment.

Perhaps the most powerful weapon in their arsenal of anti-militant tactics, however, was the way the organizers enabled various forms of oppression against the very people whose circle it was supposed to be. OccupyUofT deliberately excluded unhoused comrades with far more experience in encampment defense by enabling repeated instances of harassment against them, denying their offers of organizing support, and in many instances even very explicitly refusing them entry. They tolerated and enabled tokenization and disrespect against the very indigenous aunties whose land they camped on, compelling several land defenders into leaving, dismantling the sacred fire, and denouncing the encampment. They threw around racist slurs at Black and South Asian people; dehumanized queer and trans people, particularly trans women; and perpetuated an ableist culture that treated people as mere disposable bodies worth little more than their labor. They failed to keep out predatory ‘leftist’ organizations with well-documented histories of enabling sexual abuse, and they failed to adequately address instances of sexual assault and harassment when they did occur inside the encampment. They enforced a ‘campers only’ food policy that denied everyone except those staying overnight access to food – all while throwing heaps of perfectly edible meals into the compost every single week.

In other words, the organizers spent multiple weeks shutting down militant actors in the name of keeping the community ‘safe’, yet actively endangering many of its most oppressed members – while sparing no effort whatsoever, of course, in portraying themselves as welcoming and inclusive and even liberatory to their thirty thousand Instagram followers. Over the course of two months, they reduced the word solidarity to a hollow caricature of itself, a performance that meant nothing more than statements and instagram story-posts. They failed utterly to realize that the saying ‘all our struggles are connected’ isn’t some meaningless feel-good platitude, but a material reality – a reality that cannot be ignored if we are to set anyone free. In effectively reducing their efforts for Palestine to a ‘single-issue’ struggle, in alienating, excluding, and actively harming entire groups of potential comrades, in focusing entirely on posturing and performance instead of doing the actual fucking work, the organizers of the People’s Circle deprived the movement of building up its true collective power. Because the fact of the matter is this: liberation starts at home. To paraphrase a recent piece by Dr Ayesha Khan, one worth reading in its entirety: the genocide in Palestine does not exist in a vacuum. It is intricately connected to a global web of violence that includes the daily carnage taking place right at our doorstep. It is this web we must dismantle – and to do so, we must start by pulling at the threads closest to us.

Yet OccupyUofT did none of that. Instead, it operated from a shallow, arrogant, liberal middle-classist framework of organizing that focused almost entirely on political theatre at the expense of any material community- and movement-building. In doing so, it only masterfully engineered its own defeat: by the time the injunction order inevitably came, the organizers found themselves with nearly nobody willing or able to defend the camp, nor were they able to wield the threat of continued disruptions as leverage in furthering negotiations to arrive at a deal they could settle for without looking bad. They can pat themselves in the back all they want, but they know as well as we do that they did not clear out ‘on their own terms’. They did exactly what the university and the pigs wanted, because they had spent the last two months ensuring the very possibility of a principled defense or an escalatory response were rendered impossible. The so-called People’s Circle died the way it did because it had long ceased to be a protest, let alone anything that resembled a liberatory project. That ‘closing press conference’ – that’s right, a fucking press conference – marked only the end of a sixty-three day long summer camp that had all too gladly traded in the very essence of liberatory praxis for the smoke and mirrors of media attention, power-hungry nonsense, and individualist clout building. Its shameful, pathetic, cowardly end was a perfect illustration of the fact that the so-called People’s Circle had been rendered empty of substance long before it was emptied of tents – that all that remained was spectacle.

Yet the encampment is not the movement. As the zionist entity’s genocidal assault on Gaza enters its ninth month, those of us in Toronto that take to heart the phrase ‘by any means necessary’ must not let OccupyUofT’s neoliberal ineptitude demoralize us into inaction. The damage done is immeasurable: far too many of us find ourselves exhausted, traumatized, and isolated from a disintegrating community unable to do anything but watch our networks get torn apart while Gaza continues to be bombed. Betrayed by the callousness and cowardice of those that were supposed to be our comrades, far too many of us feel more hopeless than ever in this fight against the global war machine. Yet hope or no hope, we know this: there is no future for any of us within this existing order, and nothing to be done except to fight. If short-sighted and self-interested actors have harmed our collective ability to do so, we must find ways to nurture it back. We must build the infrastructure necessary for sustained, meaningful, material disruptions against every institution where the hydra of zionism and imperialism rear their ugly heads, and we must start doing so now. There is no other choice. We have never been exempt from the struggle – our task, too, is Intifada, and Intifada means attack.

Key to this task are of course the principles and praxis of solidarity, mutual aid, and community building, which not only constitute direct action in and of themselves but form the building blocks atop which all other direct action is sustained on. The praxis of solidarity can look like joining a weekly mutual aid distro, or running donation drives for unhoused people, or helping to organize jail and legal supports. It could look like inviting your neighbors over for dinner, or letting friends with abusive families crash on your couch, or sharing gatekept meds with those who need them, or bringing extra N95 masks to the function. It does not matter if’s considered capital-O Organizing. What matters is supporting each other, connecting to and building together with the most marginalized among us, and forging resilient relationships – relationships that can withstand both the unrelenting lure of liberalism and the batons of state repression, relationships that remain rock solid when things go to shit, that can form the bedrock of a movement that, in the face of a livestreamed genocide, can actually shut things down. Setting fire to cop cars or mass-sabotaging arms factories is hardly imaginable when so many of us are far too caught up in the daily agonies of surviving capitalism and barely even know each other, let alone have longstanding networks of support, trust, and care. If we seek to build militancy in so-called Toronto, we must build a culture where militants are cared for and care for each other – a culture where people are cared for and care for each other. Faced against the twin threats of state repression and an activist scene dominated by a hostile liberal rhetoric wedded to farcical nonviolence and privileged safetyism, this is a foundation we simply cannot do without.

Rebuilding our communities and support networks is the only first of many steps: we must also push back against both liberal anti-militancy rhetoric and state intimidation, we must equip ourselves with the skills we need to actually disrupt business as usual, and we must foster the radicalization of new militants. We need agitprop, education, training. We need one-on-one conversations, we need zines, we need teach-ins, we need wheatpaste and stickers and spray paint, we need weekly self-defense practice – as our friends at CUNY put it, we need escalation trainings. We need to claim ground against the pervasive rhetoric of nonviolence and stop feeding the cowardly illusion that freedom can ever be won by merely appealing to the moral sense of the oppressor. We need to build a broader collective understanding of what it truly means to support resistance, of why it is imperative for our movements to develop teeth if we hope to even leave a scratch upon the leviathan body of imperialism. We need to remember that pigs and politicians are just as mortal as us plebeians. We need to turn cross-movement solidarity into an inviolable principle and a daily praxis instead of continuing to treat it as a bonus add-on, as something to be acted on only when convenient. We need to remind ourselves that we too live under a colonial monstrosity built on genocide, that our most paramount task in the fight for Palestinian liberation will always be to fight for the death of the settler state that exists right here on these lands. We need to teach each other how to dearrest comrades, how to use Tails, how to care for our suicidal friends, how to make unsanctioned street art, how to administer naloxone, how to liberate food from corporate megastores, how to survive a night in jail. We need to do so frequently and consistently, we need to find ways to scale up our projects, we need to bring in new people, and we need to make sure they are supported single every step of the way.

Most importantly perhaps, we need to step the fuck up and practice the things that we preach. The past nine months have shown us that liberals will gladly continue to pat themselves on the back for mindlessly repeating the same useless tactics over and over again while Gaza continues to burn. The past nine months have shown us that there is no critical threshold of livestreamed Palestinian suffering that when crossed will naturally result in worldwide revolt – if as many as two hundred thousand Palestinian martyrs are not enough, nothing will be. The movement will never naturally shift from one of hypocrites shouting ‘shut it down’ while yellow-vested pigs with megaphones make sure the empire is never inconvenienced to one of principled militants actually following through on the promise of the chant. If we want militancy, we will have to build it, and we will all have to do so by actually being fucking militant. And it will have to involve all of us, because every single one of us has a vital part to play. We will need people who are down to confront pigs on the front lines and sabotage infrastructures in the dead of night, just as we will need people to secure logistical necessities and track enemy movements, just as we will need people to support injured comrades on the ground, to organize jail supports in the aftermath, to make sure we’re fed and cared for and ready to fight another day. We’ve waited for too long – it’s time we remember what we’re capable of and start organizing the sustained material disruptions we wish to see in the world. Gaza demands that we escalate – it’s time you and I heed her call.

Our efforts will never be perfect. New challenges will undoubtedly continue to emerge both from within and without. We will face increasing state repression, just as we will face liberal reaction, just as we will face internal conflicts and fractures. Yet we cannot let these challenges keep deterring us. We owe it to Gaza to try, and when we fail, we owe it to Gaza to keep trying. We owe it to Hind Rajab, to Refaat Alareer, to Mohammed Bhar, to Hamza Dahdouh, to Shireen Abu-Akleh, to Ghassan Kanafani. We owe it to Breonna Taylor, to Regis Korchinski-Paquet, to Nex Benedict and to Pauly Likens, to Corrie and to Bushnell, to Tortuguita, to Fred Hampton. To the countless others that have lost their lives in the struggle against zionism and settler colonialism – in the last nine months, the last century, the last five hundred years. We owe it to those still alive – to those that every single day continue to resist against the global industrial slaughterhouse we are all being led towards. We owe it to ourselves to fight. By any means necessary.

The secret, as always, is to begin.