Montréal Contre-information
Montréal Contre-information
Montréal Contre-information

With Ambulance Chasers Like These, Who Needs Enemies?

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Apr 142026
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

Or: Ambulance Chasing All the Way to the Xenophobia Hospital (On Identity Politics in Montreal)

Prologue

On March 9th, 2011, in Midan El-Tahrir in Egypt, the Egyptian military arrested an estimated 18 women. They tortured them and carried out “virginity tests” to be able to prosecute them for “prostitution” – a charge any unmarried woman who is not a virgin faces in most of the Arab world. In Egypt “prostitution” carries a punishment of up to seven years, and obviously social and cultural death if not an honor killing by the families. Women faced persecution for taking part in protests and various occupations of the square because of this case, combined with horrendous sexual assaults by security forces in the Midan. This story on its own reflects the severe consequences of conservative society. Conservatism is anti-insurrection, developed and encouraged by states to control ‘the crowd’ and ‘the people’. When every random aunty is an informant, and every random uncle is a prosecutor, who needs the state anyway? In the fight for freedom across these conservative communities, the fight against the state is one and the same with the fight against the dogma of religion and culture. In essence, a rebellion against “community”, the watchdogs of the state, cannot be separated from the fight against the state.

During the first intifada, Gaza was both the flame and the land of the intifada, it was a feminist intifada, a Palestinian women’s Intifada. The Islamists, including so-called feminists, and their allies, people who just learned to use the word revolutionary, freedom fighter, or even martyr, do a better job rewriting the intifada’s history than Hamas, the Palestinian Authority, or any Israeli propagandist could ever dream of. The intifada started in December 9th 1987, and ended in 1991, when it was sold out in negotiations between the Palestinian Authority and the Israelis in the Madrid Conference. More than 65% of Palestinian women in Gaza and the West Bank were active in the intifada in consistent commitment and capacity.

A brief run-through: in 1987 most of the Palestinian Authority and political parties were in exile. The men who did not manage to be in exile were either in prison or killed. When an Israeli vehicle ran over four Palestinians in Jabalia camp (the largest Palestinian refugee camp in Gaza and the one that just got leveled to the ground in Israel’s most recent genocide), riots broke out immediately. Issac Rabin ordered the Israeli military to use unlimited force to crush the riots, which led to the largest demonstrations, strikes, boycotts, and civil disobedience that Palestine had ever witnessed, all led by Palestinian women: feminist unions, Palestinian women militants, and Palestinian women in all the different political parties. They organized the marches, the riots, mutual aid, educational campaigns, neighborhood security, prisoner supports, prison riots, checkpoint riots, border riots, student and worker strikes.

When the Madrid Conference happened, women were still in “the streets” when they heard the news of the conference – they did not know that it was unfolding. Some of the women organizers boycotted the conference because they were fundamentally against negotiations and felt they could go further by not submitting to them. Some boycotted them for not being included, and others felt that they were betrayed by their comrades – because they didn’t share with them their plans of starting negotiations. To their total dismay and shock, the Palestinian comrades in exile initiated the negotiations in hopes of the return of “the men” from exile to “govern” and establish the Palestinian Authority in both the West Bank and Gaza.

Most of the Palestinian women who took part in the Intifada and ended up serving time left prison to a completely different reality than when they entered. They were shunned by the political scene and a conservative community that could no longer recognize them.

Within months of “the men” being back from exile, Palestinian women’s unions, affinities, and community organizations were shut down or had their role diluted because the “gun-waving real revolutionary militants” were back from exile. They had just sold out the Palestinian refugees in the camps in Lebanon, Jordan and Syria and jumped into the new project of fighting from “behind enemy lines”.

The negotiations were a sellout not for excluding Palestinian women, but for the delusions of supposedly winning a right to govern territories that are still getting swallowed whole by the Israelis. ‘Stop the Intifada and you get the right for political parties to enter the territories armed and all, with elections and a government.’ Who stops a rebellion to earn the right to govern over occupied colonized territories? Fools and traitors.

A hard truth to reflect on, in the face of the history of resistance and blood spilled with pure courage and a belief in freedom. That’s what authoritarians will always do though, and it’s not unique to the Palestinians. Some idiots on the “left” think pointing out this history will only benefit ‘the right’, as if ‘the right’ and Zionists need help with their work. As if any narrative ever managed to stop a genocide or liberate an olive tree. So we are shushed in times of peace and in times of war. Sometimes, I get to be shushed by random white people for not committing to Hamas revolutionary doctrine (the thawabet). To be clear, this history (women organizing the Intifada and the contradictory outcome of authoritarian governance) is needed to imagine a revolt or to claim the abilities to resist and fight, beyond the anti-insurrectional powers of Hamas — or other political parties who came to rise by negotiating on the back of what the Palestinian movement and Palestinian resistance managed to establish. Since their fight is for authority over Gaza, their first enemy is not Israel, but the people, just like any wannabe state. Acknowledging how political parties use resistance movements to claim authority is not a dismissal of affinity for freedom fighters, for those that show us how to resist from the bleakest of places. The spirit of rebellion does not emerge from Hamas or the PA and will exist beyond them and oftentimes despite them. To critique the authoritarians is to increase the capacity for the fight. Freedom cannot come to be by practicing what you are fighting against. Authoritarians are not the voice of the rebellion, they are the leeches that steal its soul.

During the Syrian revolution, every Friday’s mass demonstrations saw political debates with the Islamists who pushed to start every demonstration at the mosque. The Sunni saw the repression of the Assad regime against the Muslim Brotherhood and any religious organizing as an attack on freedom. And thus, a fight for freedom is a fight for religious affiliation. It was suddenly an established fact that the Sunni, the religious majority in Syria, were the most repressed under Assad – regardless of class, or proximity to governmental and economic power. So people who have never seen the inside of a mosque used to wait outside it for Friday prayers to end so they could start the march. Another debate: as allahu akbar became a chant in the streets — ‘God is the greatest’ — leftists still found a way of swallowing it – because if you squint your eyes enough, you will see that it is a revolutionary chant, since it is dismissing the power of the state and military by stating that God is greater than all.

I don’t want to go into what came of the Syrian revolution, but rest assured a new term was invented as the response to the aftermath of Assad’s fall and the ISIS takeover, it’s called Al-Mathlomiye Alsunnia as in the victimized Sunni mentality. It is inspiring all the ethnic cleansing, the religious repression, the political repression, and the push for absolute control over women’s bodies. You see, it was never established in the Syrian revolution that authority is the enemy, or that oppression is wrong. What was established and cemented is that the Sunni should rule, and they should not be oppressed. That’s it, that is the reality we live in in its wake, the reality that was crystal clear within 6 months of the Syrian revolution. The Syrians with all their sacrifices, with all their courage, with all their pain, remind us yet again of a lesson as old as time: pain does not make truth, pain and suffering and the overcoming of that suffering doesn’t always lead to revolution, to freedom, or even to justice. I mean just look at the Zionist project with its weaponizing of Jewish history and the Holocaust. Beyond the idea that pain in itself is not enough to make a path of justice or truth, courage in itself (while venerated) should not be a truth teller, the Joulani government winning the Syrian crown as an award for the sacrifices of the Syrian Sunni. The motto of this failed kingdom of God is “those who liberate decide”. The Syrian revolution with its protesters facing live ammunition with their bodies, as people created neighborhood councils, liberated areas, and shut down infrastructure, put your average anarchist in North America to absolute shame. That courage alone was not enough, and could never be enough. The revolution and its ideal is essential. No authority should be gained as a reward for the revolution: making the revolutionaries themselves into emperors just gives us another enemy.

Racism evolved its claws to become identity politics, so the first story about Egypt is to point out the obvious: community is not a static unit, community is ever-evolving and made up of its people with all their social conditions and their contradictions. Community, when we essentialize it as a unchallenged, protected category, will often be the voice of hetero-normative, conservative, male and religious authority. The second story about Palestine is to challenge the idea that resistance is based on command: that authoritarians are those who plant the seeds of resistance rather than those who suppress it. Highlighting the voices of authoritarians is a betrayal of all those who fought and will continue to fight. The words of the resistance and its people will not be found in the mouths of those who rule them. The third story about Syria is to point out that learning from each other and having empathy with all of this wretched earth’s pain should never be a ticket to impose one’s will or control. Those with the deepest wounds are not cleansing our sins the more they bleed, and they are not liberating us with their pain. Perhaps if we stopped the fantasy of Jesus on a cross for our salvation, we will see their humanity and we will fight for freedom rather than be busy worshiping those who fight or suffer. The embarrassment of having to say any of this is not because I don’t mean what I say, it’s because I don’t believe the participants in identity politics believe what they say. They are the ones who define who is the voice of the community after all. They are the ones who choose which is the voice of the resistance, and they are the ones who choose which pain we should acknowledge, because none of these social categories will ever have only one voice. The identity politicians are not concerned with listening, they are the playwrights, and they cast the actors based on an aesthetic, then justify their cast by attacking your identity, like dogs with rabies that do not ever want to be challenged. This prologue is an insult to my brain, because I engage with the idiotic excuses of identity politicians. As if they come from a place of logical thought, rather than pure lust to be rulers.

II

Montreal, October 2023: Early on, the demos for Palestine started rolling, after hesitation from many anarchists. When they finally started to show up, they saw their role precisely as one of representation. In one instance, a bunch of Arab kids took up some space and started getting rowdy at an action. Some anarchists walked up to their comrades asking them to support the kids. The response: we, anarchists, are there as guests, this is not our place. With another banner team responding with a no because the banner had their organization’s name on it. One kid got arrested. I don’t know why anyone would feel like a guest at a demo, I’ve never suffered from that mental illness, but for anarchists in Montreal to feel like guests they must have divorced themselves from the role of their empire in genocide and settler colonialism. I guess the point is you stop being a settler if you are just a guest, you stop being a part of the empire if you change your identity. Just a badge you have to wear, and there you are, absolved from any consequences that the system that serves you imposes. You don’t have to fight it. You just need to identify as an anarchist. As if it’s a descriptive identity not a practiced one.

At a meeting where we discussed not wanting to organize with an Islamist DJ bro wannabe political group, a comrade mentioned that they found it very important not to work with them, due to past history, and experiences with the bros (who were organizers and agitators of an anti-trans march). An anarchist who was present at the meeting as a representative of an anarchist queer group, jumped to assert that “as a queer person I don’t mind marching with transphobes, because this is not about me this is about Palestine”. A friend and comrade who I’m quite sure looked “white passing” at least to this brain-rotten comrade mentioned that the two issues are not separate, and it’s a simple question of not platforming them, rather than kicking them out. Another queer white anarchist jumped in, “we need to listen to the community, and not center ourselves”. The friend who is a Palestinian lesbian and a recent immigrant started shedding tears in silence, tears of an anger she would like me to clarify. My comrade did not go to another anarchist space or meeting, and the two white comrades burned out two months later, my wager is that they were exhausted from not centering themselves, and went back to their “usual spaces”. I don’t think they ever developed the brain power to realize how xenophobic they are, they essentialized homophobia and transphobia as cultural phenomena of the Arabs. A cultural heritage they must respect because it is not their community or their fight. They get to go back to their insufferable, curated, and safe tenderqueer white spaces, because we all know that homophobia is not part of the white settler culture! The Palestinian queers “if they existed” must stay within the voting bloc of these homophobes, because how many fucking caucuses under these identity politics can they get? Dare they one-up the “as a queer person” by saying “as a queer Palestinian” oh the pure horrors! You must protect the voting caucus at all cost. First rule of identity politics is to establish the uniqueness of your own identity in ways that reserve you a platform. After all, you are so unique, as a white person. The colored as they are must remain just colored, otherwise you will never get to speak as a white person. Protect your identity and its uniqueness at all costs, and diminish the complexity of others. You must rule.

Those who were getting bombed were represented by those who are mostly upper-middle class brown kids facing an identity crisis, they are conservative, pro-capitalist, and were leading figures in a political debate just because of their identity. Many immigrant communities tend to be conservative and pro-capitalist with insecure identity attachment that makes their claim of belonging to their home country as authentic as Dubai chocolate is to Middle Eastern desserts. But the booklet of identity politics for dummies does not allow such nuances by design, because identity politics is not there to start a discussion or promote understanding, identity politics is there to institute authority and shut down conversations. Your identity is just a claim for a speaking turn at the big revolutionary mic.

Then there was the camp, where the DJ bros had a big dick to swing now, thanks to the stroking of the queer and femme white allies. They started manipulating prayer times to make excuses for missing general assemblies, imposed halal zones (no gender mixing) and collaborated with cops openly and shamelessly. Any critique they received was Islamophobic. Any challenge they got was a challenge to the Palestinian voice. Did they want to take risks? No, they were there to represent. Other white allies also saw the camp as a place to LARP as a Palestinian refugee, some even saw that they got to be in a new category. They were the ones who are struggling for Palestine now, their body is on the line! They are sleeping in the camp, they are on the front line. Gaza’s borders moved to the lawn at McGill. Isn’t it so beautiful? Gaza is everywhere, the bombs are everywhere. How beautiful, they are no longer settlers of Canada, they are Palestinians! We are all Palestinians! Therefore those sleeping in the camp must get a bigger say on Palestine. At a general assembly, PYM announced that their legal fund will only cover those who get approvals for their actions from PYM. When I challenged it, a white comrade held me back, reminding me that we the anarchists have our own resources. I disagreed because my people in that moment were anyone in the camp, and an open challenge to idiotic decisions was needed if not for me, then for other less experienced people who were going to get fucked by identity politics. The unchallenged submission to the idiotic takes of PYM, M4P, SPHR, and finally anarchists for hire made it less of a political scene and more of a theater. The fact that the anarchists allowed themselves to participate in this clownery of general assemblies diluted both their politics and the quality of their actions. When finally there was a push to leave the encampment, two other immigrant women took offense at my vote because it differed from that of a Palestinian woman. I was told that “if my opinions were worth anything, I would see it as my duty to be supportive of the Palestinian woman”, yet ironically the same was not told to her. Because the two actually agreed with her, hence my opinion became a betrayal of my identity, and I am sure if they had agreed with me, that poor fellow Palestinian would have been at the receiving end of the weaponized tears (actual tears!) instead, until they made her submit to my opinion.

I would love to add here that I foolishly thought the moronic stands and shameless takes of many anarchists were due to a lack of experience in internationalist struggles, entrenched Zionism in Canadian culture, classic racism, and perhaps lack of clarity on worthy targets or projects to engage in. However, thanks to an onslaught of challenges, intentional feedback and conversations, the lack of success in even making a dent in the killing machine pushing us to review methods, and genuinely quick burnout from allies, I thought we were arriving somewhere. You see naively I thought the constant weaponizing of identity politics made people resentful of it. I assumed we were all able to clearly point it out as counter-insurgent and counter-revolutionary. Who am I though if not just another fool?

When Abisay was shot by the police, the identity politics came back in full force. Was it the first-ever police violence any of these so-called comrades had heard about? No. Was it about far-away people who they cannot understand? No. Was it about a system they have never lived under and forces that operate in ways they don’t know? No. Nonetheless, we were swamped with accusations of ambulance-chasing (or being “opportunistic”). White voices were the loudest to say that it’s not our place, it’s not our people, it’s not our neighborhood. You would think that if someone hears themselves othering people as a weird foreign species, they would realize that they sound more like fascists than allies, but that was not the case. You see? We had to submit to the idea that anarchists never interact with the police, anarchy is for whites only, and we all are middle-class or wealthy white college kids. We exceptionalize anarchy so much, and we spend years analyzing why we are not connecting with others, or why the space is so white. Perhaps because you yourself define it as a white space? But what do I know, I am just a stupid angry brown woman. The family, which had a clear and honest split between angry escalation and passive voices, saw the anarchists center the passive voices, bad-jacketing other anarchists and even threatening them if they engaged in what seemed like escalation. We are just there to grieve. As if grieving someone you don’t know, even more, who you would never want to know, because anarchy is only for whites, is a more honest position than attacking the police that you have your own vendetta against.

The white people who benefit from the system did not find it ironic that their vote was to be passive, to attack nothing, to burn nothing. They were the justice warriors waving the white flag to announce times of mourning. The community who live with daily police violence were cast as non-fighters, whose culture of passivity is now platformed by the pure souls of the white anarchists. We “the warriors of justice for hire” are just listening in on what the people want from us. We echoed the lines that the police issue in their statements after every killing, that if people are cute and obey the law, no one would die. That police violence is predictable and can be worked with in logical ways, we control the police violence. How fucking shameful. Escalated or not, burning a police station or not, these communities will always be hunted by the police, we are not bringing danger to them, if anything we could have managed to give them a breather by pushing the police for once to chase someone else. (But don’t take my word for it. Look at a few months later when they killed Nooran Rezayi and respected our politics by thinking we will lose our shit, and once nothing happened, they came back to reign terror on his friends with house raids at nine addresses. It is kind of sad that the police take us more seriously than we take ourselves!)

Pardon my digression, back to the far-away lands of Saint-Michel. When escalation arose, and the no-fucks-to-give among us were there to be active, to offer maalox, de-arrest, or simply reroute a confused brutalized crowd, we were seen as opportunistic adrenaline junkies who came to the suburb to put the community in danger. Those accusations were from comrades not the community. I don’t remember hearing it from people who I held hands with, who protected me and I them, when we had each other’s back. But I did hear it from white comrades who chose to come unmasked and unready, who could not even help a brutalized person up off the pavement, because they had “no masks on”. Those who came to the suburb to do virtue signaling as the good grieving white people. Forget escalation. Who is looking for an opportunity here? Why was it so important to you that a grieving racialized community see your ugly ass white faces? Did you want a hug from the angry brother? Did you want to be seen in pain? Were you trying to say that not all the white people are bad? Did you want to see them, or did you want them to see you? Alas, I the opportunist who cannot get my adrenaline anywhere else. You are the honest ones!

The anarchists and activists who have lived in the city for god knows how many years decided that you cannot act without social ties, so now is the time for community barbecues and relationship building. They could not have thought of the community-building projects before the shooting. When did the idea of connecting with the racialized community come up? After the killing, when it was trending on the news. That’s exactly what those dumbass, fool community members will see as the basis of an honest, reliable and truthful relationship. Well let me tell you my friend… Growing up in the slums of the camp made me immune to the NGO-y breath of allies arriving with their exciting plans and hot projects, those onlookers who came to visit us like they visit the zoo. Those who needed us for their project grants, those who needed us for their case study in the academic hall of fame, and those who down the line will mention how they connected with us on a date when they are trying to pursue the bleeding heart of a white woman. We smell you, no amount of raggedy clothes will cover your stench. No tears will make our pain one. To act from a place of honesty is the only thing you can do. Can I bring back Abisay with a riot? No. Can I stop future killing from happening if I learned about his favorite color or his route to school? No. Was he a unique special case? No. The idea that police violence can be taken as anything less than a systematic force that needs to be fought, whether or not one can testify in detail to how they’ve been personally impacted, will only benefit the police. Can we disagree on strategy? Sure. So: I think that police should be scared of us, we as a community can show force and anger, submission comes to you piece by piece stealing your soul until you are nothing but an obedient cog in the machine. Anger and vengeance make us connect with one another, anger makes us a threat so maybe the police will kill less, at least until we take them down. I just want to make them run away scared. That’s it, that’s my objective, I don’t want people to feel alienated, or that somehow, something could have been different about how they lived or acted that could have prevented the inevitable — the police are there to kill. Did I reach my objective? Not really I mean no police station was burned and no weeks of riots started. Was I there to play my hand and suffer its consequences? 100%. Did I run away? No. Did I only look out for or identify with the anarchists? Absolutely not. I was high-key embarrassed. Am I able to opt in and out of the fantasy of being able to limit police violence? No, and nothing will ever give me that protection.

Well then, how about you my friend? When was the second barbecue? Did your initiative end when the media left? When did you last speak to the mum? Did you drop her a fruit basket this month? Check on her? Are you able to name one new friend from the community? No. Because you are not there for a fight, but also because although you fetishize the community, and infantilize them, they are not fools. They don’t trust you, they know you won’t be there during a crackdown, and you will never be them. Your experiences with the police are lab-made in scheduled protests and fun graffiti runs. Maybe some drugs here and there, a speeding ticket. This will never change, at least not while you hold tight to your separation and unique category. Maybe when they finish killing all those of us that are colored, the immigrants, and the refugees, they will come for you the whites. Maybe only then will you not be too stressed about looking opportunistic, and you will fight and win a world safe for the white people. My wager is in that far-off future, the Irish will again not be white, the Italians will become Middle Eastern and the “us” will become smaller and smaller until you are swallowed whole. Do not worry that is not a sad end, it’s the only fantasy that helps me not punch you in the face.

This second part is an insult to my soul. For betraying my instinct and intuition, for choosing to act like I believe that people are held back from the fight by any myriad of these pretend reasons. The truth is, those who want to fight for something will always find a way, and those who look for an easy way out will always find it. Some seem to think that we should be suspicious of those who are enraged, the restless souls. That somehow we need to prove our anger, our sadness, and the place we want to fight from. How can you sleep at night though? How are you not angry? Stupid as I am, why is it suspicious when I try to practice my politics? How come it is not suspicious that you never practice yours? Are you so used to consuming the news, that you feel entitled to pictures of our body parts? Do you need me to share my stories? You want the stories of pain to munch on? If I prove to you my pain, would it calm down the rabies? How many stories though? Would my stories of the border police make me less of an adventurer? Arrests? Jail time? Cars gunned down at the camp gate? Sexual assault in exchange of no deportation? Hunger? Loss? You are not worthy. Last thing I read about white people collecting exotic body parts was the Belgians collecting hands in the Congo. You won’t consume my soul — or my history. I know it’s just a history, I am here now after all. I hold that history deep inside because I need to answer for it. You on the other hand want me to beat you into submission with the shame of not having a similar life, it’s a kink of the white allies. Not a tool for liberation. However, I want to answer for my actions, I want to tell you what I think, I want to make mistakes, to be brave, to learn from when I chicken out. I want a comradeship that challenges me, not a flock of dogs that I need to cut parts of myself to feed so they are companions on my path. I detest you.

III

I try to write every now and then, and always end up with an angry rant, inherently I do not think I have the talent for it. The suffocating repetition of this scene though makes it hard to interact, discuss, or even give or receive critique. Last October I had a major depression. I caught myself spiraling in a discussion where some people repeatedly asserted that as anarchists we should remember our positions of privilege and approach racialized and migrant communities with different, simpler projects rather than a clear political agenda. I am without status. I have no legal pathways to gaining one. So I angrily responded that I hope we stop defining anarchy as an upper-middle-class thing for white people. The white woman who I was responding to just snapped her fingers and nodded her head as in “preach sister”. I wanted to slap her soul out of her cheeks, instead I just turned red and stared at my feet. We are incapable of engaging with each other, because we actually don’t listen to each other. My spiral was due to the realization that I have become a caricature of myself, my anger is expected and awaited, to be consumed in meetings. We keep mentioning that these are white spaces, yet “they are just confused”, “it was a linguistic problem I don’t think they understand”, or better yet claiming that any mention of the Middle East even as an example is inherently a use of identity politics, when I get this feedback I am delusional if I think it is about race. Meanwhile France, Germany or even Italy is just another neighborhood in Canada. Dare I say that’s a practice of identity politics or centering whiteness or western experiences? No.

In an angry exchange with another organizer I asked him why as an anarchist he thinks it’s okay to protect his islamophobic zionist friend? He responded with: I can work with anyone, I work with the Islamists too! It’s true, he spent months centering an Islamist, campist and feminist voice and shoving her down our throat as the community representative. I wish I could go tell her his hot take that she was platformed so he can feel better about not challenging his zionist friend. No point in doing that, it will be exactly the same look an aunty gave when Arab anarchists showed up to the anti-trans demo and told her that she is marching with the fascists who want her killed and Gaza leveled, it was a look of shame, but a knowing shame that she only had to face because someone said it out loud.

Some think identity politics is helping start conversations about race or class or whatever. It is not, it is just starting an oppression marathon, just so white people feel legitimate participating. I was recently attacked by the metro tracks by an old white man who was enraged that I couldn’t speak French — it was not the first time in the city, but 3 out of the 3 francophones to whom I told this story asked me if the person was homeless. Wouldn’t you think that religiously repeating that fascism is on the rise amid ongoing obsession over language policies makes it strange for the first question to be whether the person was homeless? Of course they were not. I did not find the attack weird, but I did find the response out of place, specifically after all those conversations about “race” and how it’s not white people’s place to act. I mean if the conclusion is that we are so aware of race dynamics thanks to identity politics how come it only ever gets centered in conversations about our resistance? Quite suspicious no? Some think that the way forward is to ignore that identities exist. Just like that! As if I can wake up, decide that I am a citizen, that I do have papers, that I can go to the hospital or an airport. Others think we should just hide our identities, avoid being clearly anarchists, blend in, be whoever you want to be. Others maintain a distance between what they say and their actions. I will give you a tip, try asking them if maybe we don’t push hard enough because we don’t want to take risks. Or maybe we chickened out of escalation precisely because we don’t get bombed and we mostly don’t go hungry? You will see that people will be livid. They will reject such accusations, and you will be lucky to be merely the idiotic anarchist leading people into danger. It’s always: the time was not right because we do not have the public support, or the plan was stupid because it will bring repression, or we need to build communities to be able to act from them. How come it’s a given that the space is white and privileged, but it is not a given that maybe that’s the reason we do not act the politics we front?

Some people will not bat an eye starting every meeting with recognizing decolonized land. Our white privilege bla bla. Is this what people mean by shame is not a motivator? You think your anarchist project is to stop being ashamed of being white settlers with privileges? Do you start meeting with this is a white privileged space to disarm your biases or to just affirm your identity? Is this what they call manifestation? Were you ever ashamed though? Can you recognize what shame is? Let me help you. This is what shame looks like. At a vigil recently that SLAM held in honor of a woman who killed herself on the day of her eviction, some white comrades felt that it’s not our place to take a stand. SLAM should not have made a statement or planned an action because the woman was not part of the union, so it was “ambulance chasing” to step up. You would think shame about lack of racial diversity might have encouraged reflections on neighborhood outreach and the biases that led to a tenant union being primarily white in a city that does not struggle with diversity. That is not where the brains of these white comrades went, no, it went to do not make a statement. Do not plan an action.

A statement was written and a vigil was called. Unsurprisingly, the family was pissed, even the GoFundMe that the tenant made before her death mentioned having been cut off by her family and being in conflict with them. None of these dimwits will tolerate the voices of the family of a trans person if they knew the person had cut ties with their family, but again this person is brown, xenophobia kicks in, no analysis can withstand the exotic takes of community voices in the rigid minds of white allies.

The statement was taken down the day before the vigil, because the family said so. A statement which already did not mention her name and included an acknowledgment that SLAM didn’t know her. So here I am under the snow, tired, overworked and triggered by the trauma of a suffocating religious dogma. A white person in front of me starts the vigil with an apology to the family as they lock eyes with a media camera. If you are sorry why am I seeing your face? Why are you holding the mic? Why am I hearing your shaky tone of white fragility? Be sorry and go home! If you want to respect the family’s wishes you would have stayed home. If I am ambulance chasing, then why are you on the mic standing tall and being the white ally with the bleeding heart who is sorry to the family? Another ally joins in, “we are not here to speak of this person” (this person that no one spoke of to begin with, they were an afterthought in their own death, which was barely mentioned in news reports that led with Three police officers exposed to toxic gas), “we are here to commiserate”. The ally adds, “We have on-call mental health support!” How ironic, to deny the mental health of the dead because their family told you so, but offer mental health support to the white fucking crowd because they are a sensitive, empathetic species triggered by such a story. Another white person steps in to share their struggle against their landlord, their experiences vibrate with the anger and the frustration in the crowd, before the previous ally steps in again: “Let’s do a breathing exercise! Breathe in, breathe out. Feel your emotions”. Why are we taking deep breaths exactly? To calm down? Can you breathe your way out of an eviction?

The demo starts, about twenty stay behind, mostly the sorry allies because they need to hold the moment, don’t worry they will follow up – but they will not actively encourage participation in the march – they are just empathetic like that. They are not ambulance-chasing, they will join a march at a slow pace, conscious of every step, wallowing in their deep deep empathy. It is such a deep empathy they get lost in it, their head gets shoved up their ass and they’re stuck like a pretzel, unable to take action, and in need of community support for their hard organizing work. Incapable of being present for anything but themselves and their feelings, so fuck the person who just killed herself, fuck the family for not seeing their pure white hearts, and fuck the opportunistic angry anarchists. Later on in the demo, the police did the usual violence to comrades and then drove their car through the crowd that is now about 30. People dispersed in big buddy groups. On the way out the people of empathy had just made it, frolicking down, wondering why we dispersed and telling us how we should get back together in a community healing moment. Despicable people. Want to talk about the mental health crisis and the horrors of the conservative community? No. You just want to pick the easy way out, you are white you cannot struggle with the idea of being unliked.

You are not an ambulance chaser, because you do not want to put effort into anything but capitalizing on the image of the white savior. I hate you with all of my heart, you are the enemy, my advice to you is to chase an ambulance even once. Maybe you will make mistakes but the labor and the risk you endure will teach you to grow a spine, will force you to develop a principle to fight for and from. Maybe the ambulance will lead you to the xenophobia hospital that you so desperately need. Ambulance chasing is termed for those who gain benefits from crises like the NGOs that taught you this pacifist and idiotic theater of identity play. You want to play name calling? Let’s have fun with each other. Let’s claw at each other’s hearts until something gives.

When I die, you won’t find my family telling you anything passive, but I am sure your slimy souls will find a random aunty who once maybe knew of me who will tell you this is haram or that’s not what the community wants. When you find her, tell her that if I end up in heaven it’s only to kill God, so she better wish my death goes without the community’s blessing.

This text discusses identity politics in a limited capacity. In its essence it is a fuck-all rant. In the spirit of the insults making lines clear, it might seem like it is arguing for something, but do not be fooled. I am just trying to respect the Arab curse “I spit on you and your honor”. This disclaimer is not to protect white fragility, not at all, it’s precisely to limit the capacity to escape. I want to cut the road ahead before someone concludes with “oh well they could have been nicer about it, if they care to start a conversation”, or “the text is not really a political text so it’s hard to engage with”. I hope you don’t find it engaging, I hope it insults you, I hope it makes you angry, and defensive. In fact, if you do get insulted that might be your only redeeming quality. I am trying to insult you to find your humanity, I am trying to believe that you are not this super calculated villain. You insult me by dehumanizing me. We are not the same. Go build a fort at home and make it your safe space. Get the fuck out of my way.

#bringbackshame
Breathe in Fuck you.
Breathe out Fuck you.
Fuck you. Fuck you. Fuck you.
Pathetic excuse of a comrade.

Namaste and shit lol.

Demos: Bad?

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Apr 132026
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

A discourse attached to an affect in relation to demonstrations has percolated on the margins of the milieu of late. “I’m not really interested in demos right now”, “Demos are very limiting”, they say.

The leftist tendency to make calling a demo the default response to social problems has rightly attracted criticism. But these critiques are now being used to mask an entirely different position, according to which no demos are worth our time. I feel confident that a take-it-or-leave-it approach to such a wide class of tactics is rarely helpful in developing a coherent projectuality.

I find it easy to fall into a militaristic approach to combative demos. Will the cops be flanking us? Have I pre-scouted the terrain? Will we have a reinforced banner unit? Such questions can obscure that the primary level on which a demo gains force is social. Do we believe in what we’re doing together and why we’re doing it? Is this our fight? Are we invested in telling ourselves and others that it’s not? Who will I be able to make decisions with? Have we made space to acknowledge our fears? Do we genuinely believe we can win? The answers to these questions might have more bearing on whether a hundred people can overrun twenty riot cops.

The critics of demos are careful to draw a distinction with riots. Of course we like riots. But they hardly engage with the reality that most riots in our context arise from demos. Rather than exploring the conditions that make it possible for demos to turn into riots and how anarchists could create them more often, they simply oppose the two forms, one being reformist, the other radical. And they ignore that many of the skills that allow anarchists to act with intention in riots are developed in demos, especially in a context like ours where the latter frequently give rise to (brief) disruption and clashes with police. Communicating effectively within a crowd, accurately assessing threats and opportunities in a chaotic environment, street fighting, and dispersing safely are all much easier when it counts the most if you’ve already practiced these skills in somewhat lower-intensity contexts.

Don’t take this personally – I want more riots for all of us – but I suspect that many of the comrades fairly new to combative organizing who echo these generalizations about demos have never been in a genuine riot. I mean like one where you can stroll to the jewelry store in the middle of downtown to loot it, lighting fires along the way, no cop in sight, with the knowledge that three other groups of a hundred or a thousand people are wreaking havoc elsewhere. Am I holding out an exceptional outcome for the purpose of romanticizing an outdated form? A social revolution will see such exceptions leap into the lived experience of millions. What combination of combative offerings lies on the path from here to there? Only the mental rigidity of dogmatists answers in advance, in the singular, or to the exclusion of vast fields of autonomous activity. They say they want a social revolution.

I recently heard a comrade say they were able to enjoy demos again after they stopped taking them so seriously. Maybe that’s not possible for all of us, but I think there’s some wisdom here. Is there a source for the lighter affects of curiosity, exploration, and joy beyond the beliefs and practices we ourselves bring to the table? When comrades gather together to prepare for a demo, could it be in the style of planning an elaborate practical joke on the pigs?

The argument is made that demos are reformist. Indeed, even combative demos are often organized, if implicitly, around demands to the authorities. What can a group of resolute comrades do in such situations? Not much, unless they have already thought (for example) about how to give out a leaflet, paint a banner, leave the emcee and their sound truck behind at the meeting point. The banality of their immediate cause, as we know, is the calling card of revolts throughout history.

The real toll of physical injuries at the hands of police weighs on some comrades. But the conclusion that anarchists instead should only do covert attacks in small groups is mistaken, because the latter carry a different but just as consequential risk. You can execute your operational security perfectly time after time, until a series of small mistakes puts you in prison for years. Because many more people in our context participate combatively in demos than in impactful covert actions, we have less experience with this risk and it is less on our minds, but that makes it no less real. Does the psychic and physical toll of prison, of the State’s attempt to sever us from community, mean that people shouldn’t do clandestine attacks? No, the point is that repression in one form or another comes for everyone who chooses to fight domination in a meaningful way, regardless of tactics, which is why anarchists have a long history of preparing for and responding to it with practices of care and combative solidarity.

When the attitude that casts handing out a lawyer’s number in a demo as support for the legal system goes on to treat the skill of feeding people at a blockade (blockades are also bad) with the same dismissiveness, it’s hard not to see a thinly veiled machismo at play. This dynamic weakens our stance against repression, in one case rejecting the act of giving people a tool that could be of immediate help in an interaction with the State, and generally by devaluing the types of contributions that disproportionately make up the work of supporting prisoners and defendants.

Radical in-groups are known for a habit of looking down on others. Despite making some more nuanced points than the wider discourse it partakes in, the recent offline text “Obsessing over demos” literally opens with the image of the intrepid author(s) looking down from a mountain trail. Most of the time, I find a scornful and condescending attitude toward others doesn’t emerge from a confident relationship to one’s own ideas, which is an important starting point for affinity.

Is it awkward to be defending (some) demos when the loudest subculture around them within the militant sphere seems to have lost the plot? A March 15th that won’t call itself a demonstration. A May Day that won’t call itself anti-capitalist. If someone dares post on the groupchat about a different event on the holy day of the demo, we’ll have a good laugh about it.

As the extremists taking the side of a contagious disorder sweeping away the certainties and rituals of authority, we place ourselves at a disadvantage if we forget our wins faster than the enemy forgets its losses. It was only a bit over a year ago, on Nov. 22, 2024, that just a few dozen militants forced multiple units of the SPVM riot squad to retreat down an alley, before attacking the site of an international summit. Despite the milieu’s over-reaction to the SPVM’s predictable revenge tour over the following months, demonstrations and anarchists’ relationship to them are not some unsolvable problem.

Some paths forward ought to be debated. How can we give different forms to the element of surprise? Where and when does it make sense to go hard? Is it possible to bridge some of the larger meanings we give to these moments?

Our concept of autonomous self-organization should not revolve around demos. If no demo is where you personally want to put energy, that’s okay. But if your implicit claim that no one should ever engage with combative demos can’t even stand up to the counter-arguments of the most casual insu book clubber, you might want to ask yourself some questions. We are beset by the tendency to develop politics and strategy around the limits of what we personally feel willing and able to do. In a decentralized movement that prizes autonomy, strategic missteps are normal. The blanket dismissal of demonstrations as a tactic is one.

Artistic Resistance Call: Saint-Con 2026

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Mar 282026
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

Comrades of Montreal, we share this call from “la Zone” in France. The brown plague knows no borders. The neo-Nazi trolls harassing us use the same codes as the North American far-right. This creative resistance is an echo of your own struggles.

Since 2001, laZone.org has been an underground literary site with a resolutely anti-racist and anti-fascist editorial line. Every year, we host Saint-Con: a call for entries based on a simple principle: “On April 10th, for Saint-Con, I burn an asshole (un con)…” and spread the word far and wide across your networks!

Following our recent trailers, we are being swamped by neo-Nazi trolls. We call on anyone who uses the pen as a weapon to join this counter-offensive. Respond to hatred with radical, dark, or absurd literature.

  • Deadline: Publication starts April 10th, 2026.
  • Rules: Dark, violent, or absurd stories (1,000 to 20,000 words).
  • Submission: Via laZone.org with the hashtag #SaintCon2026.
  • Moderation: Zero tolerance for racist, fascist, homophobic, or sexist content.

Follow us on Mastodon: @lazone@piaille.fr

Original Rules & Forum: Click here

ICE & CBSA: Two Faces of the Same Evil

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Mar 202026
 

From Solidarity Across Borders

While our comrades in the so-called United States are gaining well-deserved traction for their resistance against ICE, Solidarity Across Borders (SAB) wants to highlight the atrocities committed by the Canadian Border Services Agency (CBSA).

Violent border control is inherent to genocidal settler colonies like the United States and Canada. While it might be tempting to convince ourselves that Canada is an exception to brutal state-sanctioned violence against migrants, it couldn’t be further from the truth.

Our very own “made in Canada” Border Services Agency also detains children with their families, arrests people in front of their children, violently barges into their homes at night, injures them during arrests and refuses to provide them with medical care, enters hospitals to detain people and handcuffs them to their bed, and brutalizes them with impunity. Yet the myth of Canadian exceptionalism paints Canada as a tolerant and welcoming country.

While a lot of outrage has been (deservedly) directed at Garda for collaborating with ICE in US detention centers, it is worth noting that Garda guards have been contracted at the Laval Immigration Holding Center and have oppressed our comrades who were detained for several years now. Garda guards have consistently refused SAB members from bringing essential items such as toothbrushes and shampoo for our comrades on the inside and have proudly exhibited “thin red line” (CBSA’s version of the thin blue line for Blue Lives Matter) pins on their vests.

It would be hypocritical for us to point at the United States’ cruel treatment of migrants while allowing ourselves to be blinded by the illusion that Canada is somehow better.

No matter who operates the detention centers and no matter in which country they are located, borders and immigration detention have always been death machines. Garda is just a symptom of the problem; the real problem is that borders exist at all.

As we mobilize in solidarity with our neighbors, we must not forget resistance here is also crucial. Under the Safe Third Country Agreement, Canada has refused entry to thousands of people and deported thousands more to the countries they fled, despite knowing full well that their lives were endangered. Bill C-12, which is currently in front of the Senate, would only further close the border, so that virtually no one coming from the United States will be able to make a refugee claim.

It is urgent that we gain an understanding of our own brutal border control regime so that we may mobilize in solidarity with ALL undocumented migrants and migrants with temporary and precarious status in Canada.

Key Member of the Frontenac Active Club identified: Giulio Zardo

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Mar 052026
 

From Montréal Antifasciste

On March 3, The Tyee, an independent media outlet based in British Columbia, published an article by journalist Rachel Gilmore proving that activists from the Frontenac Active Club (FAC) regularly trained at Alpha Athletika, a gym in Saint-Léonard, apparently at the invitation of former Olympian Giulio Zardo, who was employed there as a coach.

We welcome the publication of this article and thank Rachel for her work, hoping that other journalists will finally also start taking these issues seriously.

The gym administrators told Rachel Gilmore that they were completely unaware of this situation, that the FAC training sessions (documented on the group’s Telegram channel) took place outside of regular opening hours, and that they had dismissed Giulio Zardo as soon as they found out. We have no reason to doubt their good faith.

The article provides convincingly evidence that Zardo participated in these training sessions and posed for propaganda photos with the white supremacist group. We have already mentioned Giulio Zardo in 2021 article, based on revelations made to us by a dirtbag from Atalante Québec’s entourage, but we have never found conclusive evidence of his active involvement in Québec’s neo-fascist milieu. That has now been remedied.

Giulio Zardo trains at Alpha Athletika in Saint-Léonard, where he was employed as a coach until March 3, 2026. On the right, we see Shawn Beauvais MacDonald, the de facto leader of the Frontenac Active Club. Photo taken from the Tyee article.
Rachel Gilmore and Elizabeth Simons (Canadian Anti-Hate Network) identified Giulio Zardo in propaganda photos posted on the Frontenac Active Club’s Telegram channel. Photo the Tyee article.
Giulio Zardo identified in propaganda photos published on the Frontenac Active Club’s Telegram channel. Photo taken from the Tyee article.

The Tyee article omits some information that we feel is worth mentioning.

First, it should be noted that in addition to Shawn Beauvais MacDonald, who now serves as the group’s leader, another FAC member, Raphaël Dinucci, has been appearing in public over the past year (as recently as December 2025). It seemed as though he had withdrawn somewhat from this tiny community, since his girlfriend was expecting a baby and apparently gave birth in December, but it would appear that he has not learned his lesson and is digging in.

Group photo of the Frontenac Active Club, with associates and supporters, taken at the Alpha Athletika gym in Saint-Léonard and posted on the group’s Telegram channel on December 31, 2025. Raphaël Dinucci, from Laval, is on the left, with his face exposed.
Photo posted on the Frontenac Active club’s Telegram channel on August 22, 2025. Raphaël Dinucci is standing at the back on the left with his face exposed. Note the Nazi salute on the right.

We also identified Martin Brouillette in other group photos, as we previously mentioned in our August 2024 article about the FAC. On the day that article was published, Brouillette wrote to us requesting that we remove his home address “for the safety of [his] young children” and asked, “What would you want in return?”

Courriel reçu de Martin Brouillette le 19 août 2024, le jour même de la parution de l'article de Montréal Antifasciste sur le Frontenac Active Club.

First of all, his children have nothing to fear, but, in any case, it would appear that the safety of his children is not enough of a priority to bring him to sever his ties with the neo-Nazis once and for all, since he still openly displays his support for Active Clubs on his Facebook page and was still posing (with his face blurred) in FAC propaganda photos in October 2024 (two months after the publication of our article).

To date, the cover illustration on Martin Brouillette’s Facebook page depicts a pile-up, with the words “Active Club.”
Group photo of the Frontenac Active Club taken at the Alpha Athletika gym in Saint-Léonard and posted on the group’s Telegram channel in October 2024. Martin Brouillette is framed.
Martin Brouillette mugs in the mirror. Note that he is wearing the same T-shirt as in the previous photo.
Martin Brouillette, framed, recognizable by his distinctive tattoo sleeve, at a training session with members and associates of the Frontenac Active Club (including Alex Vriend, bald) at the Alpha Athletika gym in Saint-Léonard, probably being trained by Giulio Zardo (not pictured).

As for Shawn Beauvais MacDonald, we still don’t know whether the management of the Nautilus Plus gyms in LaSalle and Plateau Mont-Royal have finally decided to ban him from their facilities…

A photo of the leader of the Frontenac Active Club, Shawn Beauvais MacDonald, at Nautilus Plus in LaSalle wearing a T-shirt bearing the image of Adolf Hitler, on the occasion of Hitler’s birthday.
Numerous steps have been taken to alert the administration of the Nautilus Plus gym to the fact that a notorious neo-Nazi is using their facilities, where he ostentatiously displays Nazi symbols.

Finally, for those who still doubt the neo-Nazi nature of this project, we reproduce below two examples of posts from the FAC’s Telegram channel, administered by Beauvais MacDonald. We could show dozens more just like this, shared from channels with names as blunt as “Waffen SS Québec.”

This photo and accompanying quote from Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi Party’s Minister of Propaganda, was published on the Frontenac Active Club’s Telegram channel in September 2025.

Post by the Waffen SS Québec channel on Telegram, shared by the Frontenac Active Club.

Nussir is a mountain, not a mine! – Call to action against the “Nussir mine” beyond liberal environmentalism in Norwegian-Occupied Sápmi

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Jan 232026
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

Original post (German): https://de.indymedia.org/node/621129

1. WHAT IS THIS?

This is a global call to action against the copper-mine currently under construction in Riehpovuotna (called “Repparfjord” by the colonizers), in Norwegian-occupied Sápmi.The Canadian company Blue Moon Metals (BMM) – full owner of the mine’s operator Nussir ASA – is actively involved in the colonization of Sámi ancestral lands through the construction of two copper and precious metals mines in the region. This is part of a rapid expansion of corporate extractivism stemming from the EU’s Critical Minerals Act, as the “Nussir mine” has been named a “Strategic Project,” allowing for large land grabs and cutting through any environmental or Indigenous land protection under the banner of a so-called “Green Transition”. More information on the history of the land and the numerous Sámi-led struggles, can be found in the later sections.

2. WHAT CAN BE DONE?

Besides the Nussir copper-gold-silver project, BMM is currently advancing two other brownfield polymetallic projects, Nye Sulitjelma Gruver (NSG) copper-zinc-gold-silver project in Norway and the BMM zinc-gold-silver-copper project in California. All 3 projects are located within existing local infrastructure including roads, power grids, railways, and/or previous extractivist projects. This makes them desirable for investors, but also more easily accessible for those who wish to intervene.

In December 2025, the first phase of the Nussir-mine project was completed, by detonating an entrance tunnel through the mountain. The next phase entails preparation of surface areas, which means more activity above ground and around the mine. This is a crucial moment, as BMM now depends on much more investments to further pursue their operation. So let’s make this a nightmarish quest! We believe that there is a possibility to win this fight if we broaden our ways of attack and internationalize the struggle. We do not want to define your means or your targets. Do whatever feels in line with your way of acting and existing skills. It could be organizing a blockade, a banner drop, or a solidarity photo, while emphasizing the need for the most materially impactful actions at this time. We welcome your creativity and experience, and hope to see many different approaches on all kinds of platforms.

MAIN INVESTORS:
These are the main targets on which we suggest to put pressure.

– Hartree Partners LP has invested $140 million USD in BMM, in conjunction with subsidiaryOaktree Capital Management, in the Nussir mining project, and is one of the largest investors in BMM. They have offices all over the world in, New York City, Istanbul, London, Geneva, Hamburg, Oslo, Cape Town, Dubai, Shanghai, Melbourne, Mexico City, Santiago, Lima, Houston, St. Louis, Washington DC, Tokyo and Toronto.

– Oaktree Capital Management has offices in Stockholm, London, Frankfurt, Amsterdam, Luxembourg, Zurich, Paris, Madrid, New York, Los Angeles, Dallas, Houston, Sydney, Singapore, Dubai, Bejing, Mumbai, Hyderabad, Hong Kong, Seoul, Shanghai.

– Monial Norwegian LLC, owned by the Holta family, owns 10% of the shares in Blue Moon Metals and 32% (6,74 mill NOK) of Nussir ASA. Office is outside of Oslo.

OTHER KEY COLLABORATORS/COMPANIES INVOLVED:
Engage with these based on where you are located and what’s possible for you.

– Wheaton Precious Metals operates and invests in mining projects and contributes 3% of BMM’s funding as a strategic shareholder.Wheaton has offices in Vancouver, Cayman Islands and Luxembourg.

– Altius Minerals Corporation is a 2% shareholder and Canadian company that owns royalties for 12 mines producing Potash and “High Purity” Iron Ore, Gold and Base & Battery Metals as well as 13 renewable energy projects worldwide. Exploration for more possible mining activities in Swedish-occupied Sámpi is currently happening through the Canadian-based mineral exploration company Gungnir Resources around Knaften. Their offices are located in St. John’s, Newfoundland, Labrador and Surrey, Canada.

– Baker Steel Resources Trust(BSRT) Guernsey registered investment company. BSRT have 7,5% ownership in BMM.Owned by Baker Steel Capital with offices in London and Perth.

– WG-Wergeland Group is a Norwegian investment office with interests in the maritime and industrial sectors, and a 5% strategic shareholder inBMM.They are an important base for the Norwegian shareholders and provide economic stability as “a trustworthy investor in the European market”. Locations in Dalsøyra and Sløvåg.

– LNS AS (Leonhard Nilsen og Sønner AS) is a Norwegian company working onsite digging the tunnel, roads and building barracks. They’re a 3% strategic shareholder in BMM with offices in Risøyhamn and Andøya. The largest owners of LNS are:

– 28,59% Tuncomp AS, consulting (Risøyhamn)
– 21,6% Malmat Invest AS(Narvik)
– 20% Hospitality Invest Capital AS, electrical installation work (Oslo)
– Entrepenør Harald Nilsen AS is a Norwegian construction company based in Alta. Owns 3,48% shares in Nussir ASA.
– Anlegg nord AS is a Norwegian machinery contractor based in Alta and owns 1,69% shares in Nussir ASA.
– Alessa AS/Multi Service Nord AS is a Norwegian company based in Kvalsund and works on site renovation and building maintenance, cleaning services, snow removal, providing security guards, etc.

RESEARCH INSTITUTIONS:
– UiT The Arctic University of Norway
– Norwegian Mining Museum
– Norwegian University of Science and Technology
– Norges geologiske undersøkelse (NGU)

3. WHY TO ACT NOW

Just like other projects that are currently attempting to colonize Sápmi (e.g. North Bothnia Line Railway,Beowolf’s Gállok Iron Ore Mine, LKAB’s Per Geijer mining expansion in Giron, 420kV power lines), the “Nussir-mine” is still vulnerable. Its completion depends on funds that are still lacking, as well as on unfinished or non-existent infrastructures. So, while any form of attack weakens the full realization of these projects, the success of any one such project will also open the door for many more land grabs and the finalization of Norway’s and Europe’s white supremacist colonial expansion on the continent.

In the case of Riehpovuotna, we can already see how Nussir ASA aspires to follow the footsteps of LKAB in Giron, Swedish-occupied Sápmi. There, an entire village was transformed into a corporate nightmare, where, in addition to lost reindeer herding grounds, the city center and several homes had to be resettled due to sinking grounds caused by mining. Currently, Nussir ASA is exploring the potential of platinum and palladium deposits to possibly extend the current mining project throughout the region. To increase their influence and secure future control over the territories, they also plan to finance local startups (e.g. Alessa AS, see targets below) and homeowners.

BUT: To realize their colonizer fantasies, Nussir ASA still needs to acquire funds and will make a final investment decision in March 2026. They will go public on the NASDAQ in April 2026, making the company’s shares available for purchase on the stock market, also in an effort to secure more capital and funding. In short: the infrastructures of present day colonialism are being built and financed now and must therefore be attacked now. This is why we urge actions to happen in January through March, although extended pressure will be needed to discourage future extractivism in the region.

4. BRIEFLY ON SÁMI HISTORY

The Sámi are the Indigenous people that together with other minorities have been inhabiting the region of Sápmi for several thousands of years. Today Sápmi encompasses vast areas in the northern parts of Norway, Sweden, Finland, and of the Kola Peninsula in Russia.

Sámi traditional livelihoods and survival include mainly reindeer herding, fishing, and hunting which depend on access to large areas, at the same time as maintaining a reciprocal, non-exploitative relationship to these lands. For hundreds of years these traditional activities have been (and still are!) under constant pressure by land theft and destruction associated with the construction of ever new cabins and roads, power lines, wind factories, hydroelectric power stations, data centers, towns, tourism, etc.

Settlers have also violently attacked Sámi and other minorities’ traditional ways of life through religious indoctrination and assimilation, forced settlements, child theft, forced sterilization, enslavement, and installing capitalist economies which push them into more and more so-called “modern” ways of existing. This is the ugly truth we forget when simply thinking about North American boarding schools in Turtle Island and rubber plantations when speaking of colonialism. The Sámi face a multi-faceted oppression which has many layers worth attending.

This text, however, will focus on the material aspects of colonial expansion and the accelerated exploitation that is being imposed through multinational co-operations and their “democratic processes” to extract from the land for the sake of the “The Green Transition”

5.”GREEN” COLONIALISM IN SÁPMI

Located on the ancestral territories of several Sámi communities, the “Nussir mine” will make it impossible to continue traditional Sámi practices. Remarkably, the company’s name itself embodies colonial theft and violence, as “Nussir” is the traditional North-Sámi name for the mountain which Nussir ASA’s machines and dynamite currently eat up.

As such, this project presents one (of many) of the latest manifestations of Norway’s and Europe’s white supremacist colonial expansion unfolding right in front of our eyes in Sápmi. All of these projects are connected by being critical infrastructures of extraction necessary for feeding the so-called “Green Transition”.

What’s happening at Riehpovuotna is yet another gruesome example which should clarify once and for all that so-called renewable energy technologies are actually made with non-renewable source materials and produced with high-powered fossil fuel machines. We refuse to call them wind or solar ‘farms’. We refuse to call them ‘forests’. They are colonial industries, factories and plantations. Wind, solar, biomass, are all just new ways to maintain industrial civilization’s deathly grasp on the world. As slick and well-marketed products, they give the illusion of change, while in fact feeding a society that nurtures itself on the destruction of ancestral life ways.The global demand for “green energy” doesn’t lead to less consumption, rather it means an explosion in overall energy use and the need to extract critical minerals with no end in sight. It is a race to the top, and therefore the “Green Transition” is a militarized proxy war of influence fought between powerful nation states for control of the world’s energy infrastructures and economy. Instead on the ground, these extractivist projects are met with attack and resistance everywhere. We refuse to let Sápmi be an easy target.

6. HISTORY OF RESISTANCE IN RIEHPOVUOTNA

The region around Riehpovuotna has witnessed a long history of resistance against this and similar projects, and has especially been shaped by large protests connected to the Áltá hydroelectric power station in the 1970s and 80s.

From these struggles emerged an autonomous movement with the Sámi resistance call to “ČSV!” (Čájet Sámi Vuoiŋŋa!/”Show Sámi Spirit!”) and a demand to take back the languages, culture, and land that had been stolen through colonization. This ultimately lead to a number of societal reforms, such as state investment in cultural production and the creation of the Sámi Parliaments, among other forms of “acknowledgment”, although without the material transformation needed to end centuries of dispossession.

Mining activities in Finnmark date back to at least 1826, with the first mine at Riehpovuotna opening in 1905. From 1972-1979, mining company Folldal Verk promised riches for the community, only to shut down 8 years later leaving behind a scarred mountain, sick reindeer and toxic tailings in the fjord that poisoned fish leading to deformities. Current plans include, again, to dump two million tons of mining waste annually into the protected salmon fjord.

While more aggressive actions have taken place over generations of resisting Scandinavian colonialism, for a long time the Sámi people have tried to navigate the colonial legal avenues and “democratic processes.” This has included talking to politicians and companies, engaging in peaceful actions and filing suits and cases through the judicial system. All they have gotten are weak compromises and a government institution to document the “truth” about the horrible mistakes made by the Norwegian state and suggested ways for superficial reconciliation, while material colonization continues as before, and even accelerates. In the Fosen case the Norwegian Supreme Court ruled that the wind factory destroyed traditional reindeer herding grounds and violated human rights. Yet, it is still operating, with no intention for it to be dismantled. As said by the former President of the Norwegian Sámi Parliament, Aili Keskitalo, these processes are intentionally designed as a form of endless distraction where they “can kill us with dialogue”.

This call to action is an attempt to diversify and move beyond the dogmatic approach of liberal environmentalism propped up by the state, NGOS, non-profits, and other related actors. There already is a strong desire to broaden and diversify the resistance emerging among Sámi, non-Indigenous locals and supporters.We need to regrow our imagination of what is possible, necessary, and legitimate to stop this colonial expansion in all its dimensions. We need this imagination, because we cannot take down the colonizer’s house with his own tools. If we want to make more than mere dents in the “green” colonialist machinery, we need to intertwine a plurality of approaches and spin a web of affinities, tactics, and attacks. We need to fight by the means each of us aligns with and use our creativity, skills and experience. Against investors, contractors, infrastructure, politicians, equipment and machines. Resistance against the “Nussir mine” is (or should be) resistance against white supremacy and the settler colonial state. Otherwise, how is this struggle supposed to be successful if it acts exclusively within the laws and boundaries set by the colonial system?

7. WHO ARE “WE”?

This communique has been authored by a loose group of people. Some of us who decided to write this are non-Indigenous, some are Indigenous. Some of us identify as anarchists. We all share the desire to dismantle systems of domination and destruction, like those we can see currently enforcing colonial plunder in Sápmi.

We have found our own reasons to act and invite the reader to do the same. When our fighting is rooted in relationship – to the land, to the people most impacted, to the spiritual realms – it tends to lend itself to respect and love-filled resistance; while those fights rooted in pure politics or excitement to break things often end up being saviouristic.

We do not wish to speak on behalf of all Sámi people, to romanticize Indigenous life ways, or to tokenize their struggles for ours. We support Sámi claims of autonomy and freedom, and aim to understand and recognize a history that has been erased or attempted to be erased. We hope and strive for collaboration and crossing paths, and mutual respect as accomplices to oppose this ongoing violent extractivism and insatiable destruction. We believe, simply said, that we should all work together because everyone’s liberation is entangled.

Please read more about indigenous and anarchist critique of activism in our resource section.

8. ADDITIONAL RESOURCES & LINKS

STRATEGIC DISCUSSIONS ON DIVERSITY AND ATTACK
Peter Gelderloos, The Failure of Non-Violence
Targets that exist Everywhere
Zündlappen, Targets that do not exist anywhere else

INSPIRING STRUGGLES
Against the North Bothnia Line in Swedish-occupied Sápmi

Swedish Northvolt in Montérégie (German):
https://switchoff.noblogs.org/post/2024/05/07/doppelter-angriff-auf-geplante-batteriefabrik/#more-940
https://switchoff.noblogs.org/post/2024/01/29/sabotage-auf-dem-northvolt-gelaende-bewaffnung-des-waldes/

Against the Lithium mines in Barroso (Portuguese):
https://www.jornalmapa.pt/2023/11/20/desastres-ambientais-conflitos-e-corrupcao-minas-nao/
https://barrososemminas.org/

NO TAV:
https://www.infoaut.org/english/a-short-intro-to-the-no-tav-movement
https://www.notav.info/ (Italian)

No Al Tren Maya solidarity action in Berlin:
https://actforfree.noblogs.org/2022/04/01/berlin-germany-sabotage-of-rail-traffic-against-tesla-the-war-and-the-tren-maya/
https://actforfree.noblogs.org/2024/03/14/berlin-germany-sabotage-of-a-high-voltage-pylon-brings-tesla-factory-to-a-standstill/
https://actforfree.noblogs.org/2022/11/23/athensgreece-taking-responsibility-against-the-war-industry-by-anarchists/

ON BEING A NON-INDIGENOUS ACCOMPLICE
Settlers on the red road, Tawinikay
Accomplices Not Allies, Indigenous Action
Water falling on Granite

ON THE STRUGGLES OF SÁMI PEOPLE
Information about the Nussir case (Norwegian)
Liberating Sápmi: Indigenous Resistance in Europe’s Far North, Gabriel Kuhn, PM Press, 2020
No mine in Gállok: Ecocide and colonialism in Swedish-occupied Sápmi, Kolonierna.se 2023
“You Can Kill Us with Dialogue:” Critical Perspectives on Wind Energy Development in a Nordic-Saami Green Colonial Context, Eva Fjellheim
Decolonize Sápmi Infotour

ON GREEN LIES AND ACTIVISM
Kolonial Infrastruktur (website with information about many of the colonial projects in Swedish-occupied Sápmi)
The ‘Green’ Farce – Everywhere and Nowhere Else, Anonymous & Return Fire
Give Up Activism Zine
This System Is Killing Us, Xander Dunlap

Announcing the Infiltrators Database

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Jan 172026
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

The No Trace Project has launched a new tool: the Infiltrators Database, a database of cases of long-term infiltrators employed by authorities in the 21st century. It currently references 74 cases from 12 countries, including 5 cases from Canada. The goal of the database is to help anarchists and other rebels better understand how infiltrators operate. For each case we provide a brief description, sources to learn more, as well as the infiltrator’s name and pictures, if available. Access the database:

https://notrace.how/infiltrators

We will maintain the database in the future. If you know of any case that’s missing and that matches our inclusion criteria, feel free to let us know. Find our inclusion criteria here:

https://notrace.how/infiltrators/about.html

For more information on infiltrators and how to defend against them, we recommend our database of resources:

https://notrace.how/resources/#topic=infiltrators-and-informants

Announcing Constellation 2026

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Jan 142026
 

From Constellation

Everywhere we look, the forces of domination strain to keep our worlds within reach of the death star of authority. In a new era of competing nationalisms, the Canadian state reconditions its war on the land and those who live in relation with it by threatening new mines and pipelines from coast to coast. Plans converge toward a massive expansion of the military. AI mass surveillance technologies augment the already unchecked power of the police. We are expected to look away as the CEOs and politicians who walk our streets are willing partners in genocide, or are beaten and locked up if we act. Borders harden, and fascism creeps forward.

The escalating nature of their efforts is necessary to hold back a different idea of life: one that takes on countless forms across the worlds we inhabit and remains beyond the reach of power. It’s an idea we’ve glimpsed through refusals and resistance as well as in moments of creation and care. An idea that propels multiple formations to shine bright and thrive, rather than be pulled into the orbit of the same star. An idea sustained and given life by gathering together, sharpening and debating proposals beyond dogma, sharing histories and skills, exulting in time and space seized from the world destroyers, (re)kindling new and old connections and conspiracies.

And so we invite fellow travellers of the anarchist galaxy to come together for the 3rd edition of Constellation. Montreal’s festival of anarchy returns from May 14th to 20th, 2026, with a week-long, city-wide extravaganza of books, zines, skills, art, music, and more! Come take part in our decentralized experiment, where participants help set the tone, create the content, and weave together theory and practice across many spaces and formats.

Once again, we’re hosting two events at CÉDA (2515 rue Delisle) and hope to see many more autonomous events organized by YOU! Stay tuned for the launch of the online calendar, where you’ll be able to submit your events as part of Constellation 2026.

Saturday, May 16: Anarchist Bookfair

The Anarchist Bookfair returns to CÉDA with tabling inside and outside the building, bringing together books, zines, pamphlets, art, and other materials that speak to anarchy in all its forms. Multiple rooms at CÉDA and spots in Parc Vinet will host book launches, reading groups, discussions, film screenings, and other sessions throughout the day.

Sunday, May 17: Anarchist Skill Faire

On Sunday, CÉDA transforms into the sprawling, chaotic Skill Faire—a kind of anarchist science fair where trifold displays are encouraged and “please touch” is the norm. Tables and stations will showcase hands-on skills and tools, inviting people to try things out, ask questions, and leave with practical knowledge. In addition to tabling, there will be rooms reserved for longer, more in-depth skillshares that require time, focus, or specialized equipment.

Kids Zone

The Kids Zone will again offer childcare and kid-friendly activities, making it easier for parents, caregivers, and young people to participate in the festival. This year, we would love some help putting together more youth-oriented workshops and skillshares, so please get in touch if this is something that excites you.

Get Involved

We’ll be opening our submissions portal for table reservation and workshop applications soon. Check constellationmtl.net or our social media pages for more info later this month. If you have any comments or questions, feel free to reach us at info@constellationmtl.net or on Signal (@constellation.2026).

Reaction to the American Empire’s Assault on Venezuela

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Jan 052026
 

From the Revolutionary Anarchist Organization

The US military assault on Venezuela and the kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro on Friday night shocked the world and tore down the veil of international law.

The actions of Trump and the US government are once again rivalling those of the largest criminal organizations, with complete impunity. The entire American continent is now threatened by this same imperialist system. By continuing to raise the issue of cartels and drug trafficking, Trump is making thinly veiled threats against Colombia, Mexico, and Cuba, remaining firmly aligned with his plan to “restore American supremacy” in Latin America. Let us not be fooled—these excuses will also be used to tighten anti-immigration policies and legitimize future imperialist interventions.

This is far from being the first U.S. incursion into the affairs of a foreign country. We can’t count the number of coups that were aided by the CIA in the shadows of sordid plots. But this time, it is a violent operation (described as spectacular and exemplary in the western media) that is publicly and proudly claimed by the most powerful position in the world. No need to look too far back in history to see that military force is used directly—as in Iraq, Afghanistan, or Nicaragua—to bring down regimes “that don’t vote the right way.” This is not the first time that the United States has acted in this way and shown complete disregard for a country’s territorial sovereignty. Nor is it a coincidence that extractivism and control of resources are often at the heart of invasions. 

For liberals and the most naive, this is a breach of protocol, an action that goes beyond the legal framework. For us, it is a continuation of the usual policies, which today seem unacceptable because of the sensational nature of the level of interference and interventionism involved. But the violence of those in power is always present, even when the legal framework is respected. In fact, the only reason this framework is respected is because it serves the interests of those in power. As soon as legality goes against their interests, they do not hesitate to throw charters and conventions in the trash. They have always done so and will continue to do so.

What is truly new about this aggression is rather the sheer audacity of the lie that was used as a pretext. We are a long way from the months of preparation required for the Lusitania scandal to prepare for entry into the war in 1915, and very, very far from the “weapons of mass destruction” used by the Bush administration to invade Iraq in 2003. At the time, there was at least a semblance of democratic legitimacy: false witnesses were sent to UN committees, a secretary of state was made to cry, and then admitted that nothing in the whole deception was true. But at least they tried to pretend. Today, Trump can simply declare in a disjointed speech closer to senile rambling than political pep talk: “drugs & rape”, repeat it enough times and all the sold-out journalists applaud, and the entire Canadian political class, like frightened lackeys, respond that “yes, Maduro was a bad guy.”

While state propaganda hammers home the bogus reasons for the intervention, it doesn’t even bother to hide the other reason, which is obvious anyway: to plunder one of the world’s largest oil reserves. The lie is so ingrained in the entire media apparatus serving the ruling class that they no longer even bother to hide it.

Political Clarity

The current attack on Venezuelan sovereignty cannot be understood without examining the role of opposition figures elevated and legitimized by Western imperialist powers. Maria Corina Machado has been deliberately presented as a “credible alternative,” not by the Venezuelan working classes, but by foreign governments, corporate media, and international financial interests whose main concern is not so-called “democracy” but access to the country’s resources. Her political project is openly aligned with neoliberal orthodoxy: privatization, deregulation, alignment with US foreign policy, and Venezuela’s reintegration into the global capitalist order under the supervision of institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank. In this sense, Machado is not presented as a leader born of popular self-determination, but as a managerial figure, an intermediary through whom Western capital can reaffirm its control over Venezuelan resources.

Venezuela’s vast oil reserves, along with its strategic minerals and geopolitical position, make it too valuable to be left outside imperial command. Machado’s function within this framework is not to liberate Venezuelans, but to normalize exploitation by presenting submission to foreign capital as a « democratic transition ». Her leadership is imagined to be only accountable to Western state investors who’re eager to reopen the country to extractive business under favorable terms. This is the classic model of the puppet leader: legitimacy granted externally, authority served from imperial backing rather than a popular mandate. 

What should be clearly stated, rejecting this imperial imposition does not require romanticizing or defending authoritarian governance. The false binary imposed by Western discourse, imperialist intervention vs so called authoritarian stability, serves as a false dichotomy and forecloses the most important possibility: genuine popular self-determination. One concentrates authority upward and inwards, the other transfers it outward to imperial centers. Both deny the Venezuelan people the right to decide the terms of their own political life. The task is not to choose between domination from within or domination without, but to dismantle both.

We live within the imperial core itself. From this position, the uncritical amplification of state narratives, especially those that claim to be anti-imperialist, blur the lines of political clarity. The power of the United States must be unerstood concretely. No other nation on earth has demonstrated the capcity, reach and impunity to extract a « leader » from another country in the middle of the night, transport them across borders, and place them before a kangaroo court under politically motivated charges. The question that should then be on everyones mind is, if the U.S possesses such reach, why has it not been used agasint Netanyahu and state of Isreal, which continues to wage carnage the Palestinian people with open international defiance? The answer expose the lie at the heart of the so-called « rules based order ». Power is not applied universally, it is deployed selectively, in service of empire.

In the next few days, we are going to see videos of people in Venezuela holding up portraits of Chavez, people chanting for Maduro’s return, and for the defence of Simon Bolivar’s legacy. Propaganda videos by the Venezuelan army will be reshared and the other big imperialist camp is gonna use this to promote their own brand of autoritarianism. Campism thrives on its own contradiction. It asks us to align ourselves with one state bloc against another to excuse repression and domination as long as it appears to resist U.S influcence. This is a trap, and it is one we are especially pressured to fall into from within the imperial core. Campist and liberal politics alike use moments of crisis to reintroduce authority as necessity. They present parties, governments and militaries as imperfect shields for the sake of fighting against a greater threat, despite their long records of crushing dissent, repressing average people and giving no chance to a new political life. We don’t want to fight their wars, we do not want to change one form of power for another.What is needed is a rupture in which Venezuelans themselves can collectively determine how they are governed, on what grounds, and in whose interests. It must be rejected, the idea that leadership must either be imposed by force or sanctioned by foreign capital. Liberation cannot arrive through kidnappings, sanctions, or puppet regimes, nor can it be secured through unaccountable authority concentrated thought the « state ». Real resistance grows out of the terrian that is built through direct action and autonomous self-organization. It does not rely on leaders to speak on one’s behalf. By establishing a praxis, this is expanded and sustained in our conditions, they do not culmiate in a new regime or a rearranged hierachy. They point towards a social revolutionary transformation that reshapes everyday life and social relations themselves. What remains is the refusal to be diverted. Campism, nostalgia, and national mythologies functions as pressure points on our movements, especially here, where imperial power is headquarted. In a world already saturaed with so much violence, what is not needed are more symbols of authoritiy to obscure our vision. What is needed is a clarity about where we stand, and a commitmment to a greater internationalist struggle that aline ourselves with people in resistance everywhere, that goes beyond borders and propels us towads a future where our fight becomes impossible to contain.

What now?

Regardless of Maduro, Hussein, or others, the revolution will not be due to imperialist violence. It belongs to the oppressed, to the masses who refuse to be enslaved. Only the people’s struggle can overthrow the established order.

There are two answers that are needed right now. The first, is direct action, the sabotage and attacks that put a wrench in the wheels of authoritarian machinery, done, ideally, in such a way so as to be coordinated or contagious, resonating and reproduced by others. The second, is the creation of social conditions, including organizations, that are able to advance a fight for humanity’s total liberation from authority and domination so that, never again, will someone’s life be ended or turned upside down because of another person’s desire for profit, power, or greedy pleasure.

Make the US ruling class regret this: The capitalist class and US political class are entirely comfortable with this invasion of Venezuela. If it goes smoothly for them, they’ll do it again in new territories with increasing violence. Who rules the United States? What are their interests? How can those interests be attacked and undermined from Montreal? How can we make them regret this?

US multinationals are everywhere: Montreal is filled with thousands of offices, store outlets, warehouses, and assembly lines for important American businesses headed by the US empire’s most influential capitalists. This includes fast food chains, tech industry, and weapons manufacturers. In the summer of 2025, Mexico city erupted into anti-American riots, destroying investments and symbols of American capitalism. In the UK, Palestine Action, has been entering weapons factories, smashing machinery, doing millions in damage. Across the world, normal people identify targets and act.

Don’t underestimate yourself, you can be a serious force. You can do the most brilliant and daring actions this century has seen, setting examples that strike blows for liberation against authority.

The secret is to truly begin and organize!

ATTACK IMPERIALISM WHERE YOU ARE!


Anarchist texts from Venezuela, to get an idea of the situation before the kidnapping:
https://theanarchistlibrary.org/category/author/el-libertario-editorial-collective
International Statement: We Denounce the Imperial Offensive on Venezuela:
https://www.federacionanarquista.net/international-statement-we-denounce-the-imperial-offensive-on-venezuela/

Christmas is Ours

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Jan 022026
 

Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info

The slogan was launched by a horde of elves: “Christmas is ours.” In the heart of Montreal, a group called Les Robins des ruelles raided a Metro grocery store a few days before Christmas. This action seems to be a response to the call made by Les Soulèvements du Fleuve the previous week, which invited people to reject the current food production and distribution system. In an exemplary gesture of sharing, some of the food was left in the middle of Place Valois (in Hochelaga) – at the foot of a Christmas tree erected for the occasion – while the rest was reportedly distributed to community refrigerators throughout Montreal.

This inspiring act of resistance calls for greater openness as the holiday season approaches. Let’s leave the boring debates about solstice celebrations to the priests and secularists. Christmas belongs to no one and therefore to everyone! Let’s rediscover the spirit of the holidays, that of giving and sharing, which is necessary opposed to the logic of the economy. Signaling the return of the revolutionary question, the elves have spoken unequivocally: “Let’s expropriate the grocery chains, create collective kitchens, turn parking lots into large vegetable gardens, and monoculture fields into collective pantries. This world does not belong to them.” As the philosopher Alain Badiou, undoubtedly as old and red as Santa Claus, said:

If revolution is conceivable for us, it’s through the tradition forged in those famous or obscure moments when ordinary workers—both men and women—demonstrated their capacity to fight for their rights and for everyone’s rights, to operate factories, firms, administrations, schools, or armies by collectivizing the power of equality among all.

The call from the elves to expropriate grocery chains — and to do so immediatly — tentatively aligns with this long tradition of actions propelled by the power of equality, a time always ripe during festive seasons. When discussing conspiratorial Christmas gestures, we inevitably return to that famous affair of Christmas 1914, when German and British soldiers decided to lay down their arms for an evening, dancing, drinking, and even playing soccer to unwind. What’s often overlooked is that such improvised truces continued throughout the years of the Great War. During these pauses, meetings frequently occurred on the Eastern front between German and Russian soldiers, exchanging information on living conditions and grievances against military leadership, but also sharing the seed of revolution.

One can easily imagine, during these Christmas truces, soldiers exchanging a few words: “Christmas is ours… and soon, the world!” Indeed, this series of small conspiracies among soldiers heralded the greatest international conspiracy ever witnessed: the Russian and German revolutions. A thread connects them: the councils (Soviet or Räte). The immediate removal of authorities in factories, ports, theaters, neighborhoods, schools, train stations, and throughout all levels of public service and military. For months—and in some places for years—uncompromising self-management blossomed. Councils emerged everywhere, ungovernable, egalitarian, spreading the idea: the world is ours, starting now.

A little over a century later, it’s time to reclaim this motto. If a beginning is necessary, let’s start from this call of the elves; let’s begin with Christmas. As they articulate in their open letter:

Our horizon must resonate with the firm footsteps marching into the street. The price of bread is rising, and history repeats itself. Those who hope to hear only the silence of social peace must prepare for disappointment. The future belongs to those who rise up. We will not remain hungry for much longer.

Let us seize these moments of reunion and sharing to invent relationships beyond those mediated by commodities. We steadfastly reject the logics of law and economics. Let us rediscover the Christmas envisioned by the conspirators and deserters of the First World War. In this time of authoritarian turn, lets refuse the logics of the capitalist world — those of exploitation and imperial war. Let us expropriate those who exploit us, turn our weapons against those who dominate us, and launch our war: revolution is within our grasp.