Comments Off on Freedonia’s 2025 Funding Round Is Now Open! Call for Grant Applications
Mar112025
Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info
DEADLINE: WEDNESDAY, APRIL 30th by 11:59pm
After a one year hiatus we are finally back! Over the course of the last year, Freedonia used our downtime to make some big changes and we are excited to share those with you. We have a fancy and more user-friendly new website; we refreshed our application process and improved the forms; and most excitingly, we have revamped our granting structure and made the decision to expand our reach.
We will now accept applications for projects based anywhere in Canada (rather than just Ontario and British Columbia), and we are increasing the amount of funding provided by our grants. The world is as bad as it has ever been and we want to see what can happen when folks have more resources to make their projects happen.
For the next two years Freedonia will be piloting a new grant structure and offering a small number of larger-sized grants of up to $20,000. We will continue to offer two categories of grants, however, under our new granting structure small grants (previously $0-$2,000) will now be $2,000-$8,000 and large grants (previously $2,001-$5000) will now be $8,001-$20,000.
As bleak as things may seem, the possibilities for taking action are always present (even if they are evolving) and we want to help make things happen. We invite organizations, groups, and projects that embody the values of Freedonia to apply. We support organizing that is oriented towards anti-authoritarian social change, and prioritize funding projects that are committed to taking action outside of institutional channels and unlikely to get funding elsewhere.
At this moment, we are particularly enthusiastic to fund projects related to movement infrastructure broadly defined (i.e. including but not limited to material infrastructure). We want to support initiatives that build collective capacity; strengthen people’s long-term ability to organize; and expand the terrain of struggle.
Comments Off on Statement On Arrest, Police Raid and Dropped Charges
Mar112025
Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info
On October 23rd, 2024, at 6:50 AM, I was arrested by the SPVM (Service de police de la Ville de Montréal) for allegedly “uttering threats to burn or damage property”. They forced their way into my apartment, and several pieces of my technology were seized. I was interrogated for hours, pushed to the edge, but despite the state’s efforts, the Crown Prosecutor ultimately failed to gather enough evidence to move forward with any charges, even before a pre-trial was conducted. This is a victory, not just for me, but for all those fighting within the movement, and the broader militant community. The sudden dropping of charges is a clear reflection of the over-policing, over-surveillance, that militants within our movement have been experiencing since the huge surge of Pro-Palestine organizing. My arrest came after a wave of repression that occurred across so-called “Canada”, with house raids being issued against militants in Toronto and the sanctioning of Samidoun, a Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network. It is clear, that my arrest was apart of a broader strategy to intimidate and demobilize us, to fracture the solidarity and resistance we’re attempting to build. They believed by targeting individuals could disrupt our efforts. But they failed.
What repression at this level does mentally is difficult to explain unless you’ve experienced it firsthand. I’m still attempting to find the correct words as I write this. The emotional and psychological toll is immense. The guilt of “being caught”, of sucking up the little resources we barely have and the overall shame still hangs over me. The weight of knowing you’ve been watched, followed, and targeted takes a toll that is far beyond the physical. The trauma of being detained, interrogated, and silenced for so long leaves scars that don’t just vanish with the dropping of charges. I could not speak publicly until now as legal conditions had restricted me, furthering the violence imposed by the state. For months, my ability to express myself was controlled, and it left me completely powerless.
Repression can provoke a range of reactions that only escalate an already fragile situation. Historically, the tactics used by the police to destabilize movements often lead people to act in ways that harm both those who are arrested and the broader community. It fosters distrust, wastes time on petty conflicts, and diverts attention from our true adversaries. When unchecked egos and harmful behaviour take hold, they inadvertently play into the hands of the state and its goals. Our movement is built on trust—without it, we have nothing, and repression triumphs. In the future, I hope that, alongside thinking about what’s best for the movement, we also consider empathy. I hope we can prioritize creating a community that supports arrestees, without infantilizing them or dismissing them based on the misguided assumption that they are “too traumatized” to make sound decisions.
The overwhelming majority of the community supported me without hesitation. I express my deepest gratitude to those who stood by me through this ordeal. To those who brought me groceries, helped put my life back together or gave me a shoulder to cry on — you are the reason I am standing here today. You saved me during the darkest period of my life. Your support was not just a comfort— it was a life line. Without your help, I would not have survived.
Let me be clear: the movement is far from over. The charges being dropped does not mean that this is the end. This is proof of our collective resilience, it is a sign that the state’s efforts to repress us were in vain. What happened to me is not an isolated incident, but a testament to the overall strength among us all. Repression is a temporary setback, a minor bump on the road, not a nail in the coffin. It will not stop us. It will only fuel us.
We will not be broken. We will keep fighting. We will continue to build a movement grounded in solidarity and resistance. The work we do is far from finished, and this experience will only strengthen our resolve to keep pushing forward. I hope my story, can be seen not as some cautionary tale but rather a ray of hope that there is a life after repression. The threat of jail time, being kicked out of school, losing your job, is not the end, it’s the beginning of the next chapter in our fight.
Comments Off on Call to Action Against the Canadian Mining Company Aclara: #FueraMineraAclara
Feb272025
Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info
In the Spanish-language document annexed below, the campaign identifies Aclara’s Canadian mailing address as 666 Burrard Street, Suite 1700, in Vancouver, BC. In addition, the University of Toronto has cooperated with the company on research.
We want the hills of Penco free from extractivism.
Communities from Penco, Lirqué, Tomé and surrounding areas have been struggling against a rare earth mining project for more than ten years.
It was called Biolantánidos at first, now Minera Aclara.
We intend to revitalize this struggle against these death facilities, inform communities about its dangers and consequences, and to weave active networks. For this reason, together with collectives and movements in defense of the hills of Penco, we’ve created the #FueraMineraAclara campaign, in circulation across alternative media, free radios and newsites from Abya Yala (the so-called American continent) and the planet.
Against a strong intervention from this corporation over Penco, resistance continues within a community that loves, values and coexists with the natural environment, generating a continued land defense, versus the military and technological interests of global power and devastation companies.
Currently Penco is in the sight of global extractivism. The Aclara Resource company, publicly traded in Toronto, would offer the US and Canada rare earth production levels competitive to China, after two extraction facilities are built, one in Penco (Chile) and another in Goiás (Brazil).
We call everyone to join this campaign with activities, propaganda, talks, graffiti, rallies and everything within our imaginations, to stop the destruction of the hills of Penco. This is only the start of an extractivist vanguard looking for rare earths in the South.
Join us and together we’ll defend the forests and hills of Penco.
#FueraMineraAclara
We want the hills of Penco free from extractivism.
MINERA ACLARA: Tierras Raras, geopolítica y extracción en Abya Yala*
Minera Aclara, es un proyecto impulsado por la empresa REE UNO SPA, hoy presentada como ACLARA Resources, en el que se pretende extraer Tierras Raras desde dos módulos, uno en los cerros de Penco, territorio ocupado por el estado chileno y en Goiás, territorio brasilero. Las tierras raras son un conjunto de 17 minerales principalmente utilizados para el armamentismo y la industria tecnológica (baterías, autos eléctricos de lujo, turbinas eólicas, etc.) todo lo que se vende hoy como tecnologías verdes. Estas tecnologías, que no son de uso masivo, sino de las industrias, las élites militares y económicas, se sostienen en base a la extracción de materias primas de Abya Yala y otros territorios, que han enfrentado históricamente la colonización por parte de las potencias mundiales. Actualmente Penco y Goiás son territorios que se encuentran en el ojo mundial del extractivismo, representando un punto estratégico en la guerra por el control de la producción de estas sustancias.
El proyecto que se pretende instalar en Penco, consiste en tres zonas de extracción de Tierras Raras, que consisten en minas de tajo abierto que tendrán un diámetro aproximado de 45 hectáreas, lo que equivale a 45 canchas de futbol y una profundidad de entre 40 a 60 metros, que es donde se encuentran las concentraciones de estos minerales. Por otra parte el módulo que pretenden instalar en Goiás, comprende un área expansible de 1500 hectáreas.
¿Qué sabemos de la extracción de Tierras Raras?
Por años China ha tenido el control de la extracción de las tierras raras, generando más del 95% de la producción mundial de esta aleación de minerales. Un terrible ejemplo de las consecuencias de esta industria, fue lo que sucedió en Baotou, el mayor proveedor de Tierras Raras en el mundo, en donde un antiguo pastizal fue convertido en un lago tóxico de residuos del proceso de extracción “compuesto por un cóctel de ácidos, metales pesados, carcinógenos y material radiactivo utilizado para procesar los 17 minerales más buscados en el mundo” [1]
Pero este monopolio está siendo amenazado por otras potencias del capital: EEUU y Canadá, quienes pretenden competir contra China para controlar la extracción de tierras raras. Es ahí donde los territorios de Abya Yala, desde la mirada colonialista de estos dos países, aparecen como proveedores fundamentales para llevar a cabo este plan, al igual que Boutu lo fue para China. Actualmente la empresa Minera Aclara, se muestra hacia el exterior como una alternativa “sustentable” al mercado extractivista Chino, y pretende competir contra el control chino a partir de la extracción de Tierras Raras en Goiás, Brasil y en Penco, $hile.
En $hile sólo en la región del Biobío, la empresa Aclara Resourse ha obtenido derechos de agua de Penco Tomé y Florida [2], así como también concesiones de exploración minera en 24.300 hectáreas sólo en Florida (39% de la comuna), con un total de 27.000 hectáreas constituidas en diferentes territorios y 23.500 hectáreas en tramitación, sumando a territorios como: Santa Juana, Concepción, Tomé, Chiguayante, Hualqui, Ranquil y Quillón. Durante el mes de noviembre del 2024 Minera Aclara
por medio de su director general Ramón Barúa, anunció el aumento de estas exploraciones, tras una millonaria subvención entregada por la CORFO (Corporación de fomento de la producción) a la empresa para “desarrollar tecnología de exploración utilizando modelos de inteligencia artificial”[3] la cual consiste ni mas ni menos que en US $730.000.
En Brasil, Aclara busca extraer 191 toneladas de minerales desde el yacimiento Carina, ubicado en Nova Roma al noreste del estado de Goiás, en la zona central de Brasil. Esta cantidad representa el 13% de la producción de China. Actualmente este proyecto también se encuentra en proceso de evaluación y según la empresa, este 2025 tras seguir una serie de pasos, entregarían su Estudio de Impacto Ambiental. El módulo Carina, sería de mayor proporción que el de los cerros de Penco.
¿Quienes son los dueños de Aclara Resourse?
Aclara Resources es una empresa inscrita en la bolsa de valores de Toronto, Pero ha pasado por muchas manos. El año 2011 se constituyó en $hile la Sociedad REE Uno Spa, creada por ex asesor de la sub secretaría del medio ambiente del primer gobierno de Piñera, Manuel José Barros Lecaros. Para el 2012 los únicos accionistas eran Barros Lecaros y el Fondo de inversión privado Lantánidos. En este momento la firma inscribe 200 mil hectáreas de tierra para la posible explotación minera en $hile, repartidas entre las regiones del Maule, Ñuble, Biobío y La Araucanía.
Posteriormente la firma incorporó capitales extranjeros del grupo Hochschild, de origen peruano, con casa matriz en Londres. El año 2018 este grupo pasa a ser el dueño de la empresa tras adquirir el 93,8% de las acciones y con esto el control de REE Uno Spa.
El año 2021 HochschildMining transfirió la propiedad de REE Uno Spa desde Londres, por medio de un paraíso fiscal, a la bolsa de valores de Toronto, Canadá, donde es manejada por Aclara Resouce.
Posteriormente, según informó el periódico Resumen.cl en abril del 2024, la empresa anunció que el grupo CAP (anteriormente a cargo de la siderúrgica chilena Huachipato, cerrada por ellos mismos recientemente) paso a ser propietario de un 20% de REE Uno Spa, quedando como “subsidiaria a cargo del proyecto que pretende instalarse en los cerros de Penco”. Esto sucedió meses antes del cierre de Huachipato, hecho que fue aprovechado por el ampresariado chileno y el estado para levantar el llamado “Plan de Fortalecimiento Industrial” que califica al proyecto de extracción de tierras raras de Aclara Resource como prioritario.[4]
Esta maraña de traspasos, se podría resumir finalmente en que la empresa siempre ha sido REE Uno Spa, que el grupo Hochschild es el accionista mayoritario, que las empresas accionistas como CAP quedan en vinculación con Hochschild y todos los proyectos mineros que estos se encuentran desarrollando en relación a las tierras raras y que REE Uno Spa está siendo operada por medio de Aclara Resouce desde Toronto.
Las personas que hoy están manejando este proyecto
Hochschildactualmente es manejado por Eduardo Hochschild, presidente, mayor accionista y heredero del conglomerado (que se origina en 1911). También es presidente de Cementos Pacasmayo S.A.A., Director del Banco de Crédito del Perú y Presidente del Museo de Arte Contemporáneo de Lima.
En el directorio compuesto por 8 directores y un secretario, llama la atención la participación de Tracey Kerr, directora no ejecutiva independiente, que ha sido partede múltiples exploraciones mineras. Fue jefa de exploración de la firma Angloamerican, liderando exploraciones en 15 países, entre ellos $hile, en donde esa empresa ya tiene conflictos ambientales, como el de minera Los Bronces Integrado, por dañar y contaminar irreparablemente glaciares.Así mismo, Kerr es directora no ejecutiva de antofagast PLC. del grupo Lucksic dedicada a la extracción de cobre.
Respecto a Aclara Resource, en enero del 2025 la empresa nombró como director nacional para Brasil a Murilo Nagato, quien fue bienvenido por el actual director general de Aclara en Chile: Ramón Barúa, quien anteriormente era el director financiero del grupo Hochschild.
A su vez, en $hile quien representa a la empresa en su cometido de persuadir a la comunidad de Penco es Nelson Donoso, gerente general de la minera, que asume el cargo tras la renuncia de Rodrigo Ceballos (en medio del rechazo generalizado de Penco y Lirquén al proyecto). Donoso es también director de la Cámara de Producción y Comercio Biobío y parte del directorio del CFT (Centro de Formación Técnica) Estatal Región del Biobío. A Nelson Donoso lo acompañan un equipo de “profesionales” jóvenes al momento de confrontar a la comunidad. En este sentido Fernando Illanes, gerente de valor social, es un personaje ya reconocido y participe de las estrategias de intervención social y comunitaria de la minera.
LXS ANIMALES…
Animales que sufrirían las consecuencias en Penco:
Las zonas de extracción y la de deposición, alterarán profundamente las rutas de traslado y movimiento del Pudú, y con esto dañarían sus procesos de alimentación y reproducción. Este mismo efecto se vería en otros animales altamente vulnerables gracias al antropocentrismo, entre los cuales encontramos Pumas, Güiñas y Monitos del Monte. En el lugar también habitan aves como el Chucao, Cherkán, Fiofío, Sietecolores, Lechuzas, Buhos, entre otros, además de ser zona de flujo y descanzo de miles de aves costeras. De igual manera, podemos encontrar reptiles como la Lagartija de Shroeder y la Rana Rosacea de Hojarasca.
Animales que sufrirían las consecuencias en Goiás:
La instalación de Módulo Carina alterará el habitat de múltiples especies. En esta zona se verán afectados animales endémicos como los zorros de campo, el armadillo potepeute del norte, actualmente en estado de vulnerabilidad, culebras como la Anilius Scytale, el Mico estrella, y peces como el Caballo de la Vea y Corydoras Aeneus, entre otros.
PRESENCIA EN DISTINTOS PAÍSES
En Penco, Región de biobío, $hile, la empresa instaló una sede que llaman “Casa Aclara” ubicada en calle Las Heras 565, a una cuadra de la plaza de Penco, utilizada para lavar su imagen y generar estrategias de intervención comunitaria.
De igual manera, la empresa instaló una planta que llaman “Centro demostrativo”, ubicada en San Pedro de La Paz, específicamente en el KM 10 del camino a Coronel, en la bodega 8 C y D, en donde la empresa aparte de experimentar con el proceso que llama hipócritamente “Cosecha Circular de Minerales”, hace recorridos a grupos de personas (como forma de intervención y persuasión social). En declaraciones la firma ha anunciado que en esta planta se procesarán arcillas traídas desde el Módulo Carina desde Brasil.
Sus oficinas publicadas son en Santiago, $hile, Av. Cerro el Plomo 5630, Piso 15 Las Condes. En Belo Horizontesus oficinas parecen ubicadas enRua Bernardo Guimarães, 245, 8º andar, sala 701 Funcionários, Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, CEP 30140-080, Brasil. Y como la firma es manejada desde Canadá, en su página figura la dirección Suite 1700, 666 Burrard Street, Vancouver, British Columbia, V6C 2X8, Canadá.
El grupo Hochschild Mining, dueño de Aclara Resource, registra en la dirección 21 Gloucester Place, London, W1U 8HR, United Kingdom. En Perú en Calle La Colonia No. 180 Urb. El Vivero de Monterrico, Santiago de Surco, Lima 15023. En Argentina en Av. Santa Fe 2755 piso 9 (C1425BGC) Capital Federal y en Brasil en Rua Antônio de Albuquerque 330 sala 601, Savassi Belo Horizonte Minas Gerais – CEP: 30112-010.
La empresa mantiene cooperación con la Universidad de Toronto, Canadá, debido a su inscripción en la bolsa de valores de dicha ciudad. En Chile mantienen alianzas con la Universidad San Sebastián, Universidad de Concepción e Inacap.
La extracción de Tierras Raras es continuidad del colonialismo y de la devastación capitalista. Hoy la extracción de estas sustancias es la base para la reproducción del capitalismo verde y su falsa sustentabilidad que no es más que muerte, armamentismo, control y especismo.
Comments Off on Reportback on the Night Demo at mcgill on February 5th
Feb072025
Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info
Yesterday in Tiohtia:ke, forty anarchists (and our friends 🙂 ) attacked the buildings of mcgill university. Armed with rudimentary tools, we succeeded in destroying all windows that stood in our way. With the help of hammers, rocks, and glass bottles, we vandalized this symbol of the colonial capitalist system. Within 15 minutes, we smashed over 30 windows on multiple pavillions of the institution, as well as the electronic locks of the administration building. An exam in progress during the protest was cancelled for 350 students. According to a mcgill spokesperson, the damages are estimated to be in the hundreds of thousands of dollars. Two comrades who were momentarily detained by the failed pigs of a private security agency, subcontracted by mcgill, were gloriously de-arrested. The police response was slow and ineffective, the protest led to no arrests or injuries. We dispersed completely before the arrival of the spvm.
Graffitis were left behind denouncing the acquisition of the royal vic hospital (site of unmarked graves) by mcgill for $700 million, and its complicity in the genocide in Palestine. We also denounce the desecration of the tree of peace, planted on the lower field by decolonial activists this summer, as well as the historical complicity of mcgill in psychiatric experimentation on Indigenous children, and the transphobia and racism of mcgill’s administration. For us, mcgill is nothing but a symbol of a colonial and capitalist system, of which we call for the complete destruction.
We encourage our comrades to extend the struggle towards the destruction of all oppressions, and to continue escalating towards revolution.
We’d also like to underscore the categoric refusal of mcgill – and their disdain in the face of student activists’ demands on this subject – to divest from genocide and the military-industrial complex. In a board of governors meeting at the end of the fall 2024 semester, the zionist cronies who sit on said board openly stated that they’d waited until the end of the semester to present the findings from their ‘investigation’ of divestment, when nobody would notice (wishful thinking, deep). In the face of their condecension and their attachment to continuing the genocide, we say: Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable! Our actions last night are in keeping with this line of thought.
Viva Palestina, long live the tree of peace, death to capital and empire, down with colonialism and transphobia, fuck McKill!
Comments Off on Solidarity Collectives – Call for Action week – February 24 – 3 march
Jan302025
Anonymous submission to MTL Counter-info
Dear comrades and friends,
As we enter the fourth year of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the urgency to act has never been greater. The situation grows increasingly dire, with the toll of the war deepening both on the battlefield and within the fabric of Ukrainian society. So today we need your voices, your solidarity, and your actions to amplify our actions for justice and resistance.
From 24 February we call on all our friends, partners and all anti-authoritarian groups in all parts of the world for a week of action! We encourage you to organize rallies, fundraisers, and public events that draw attention to the Ukrainian resistance struggle against Russian imperialism.
Whether it’s a public demonstration, a direct action the case (https://www.vice.com/en/article/russian-mansion-occupied-police-cost/) of squatting in a Russian oligarch’s mansion inspires us), a music concert, a movie screening or an art exhibition, a fundraising campaign or a panel discussion, your efforts are vital to keep Ukrainians’ struggle visible and supported.
The topic of the Russian shadow fleet and its environmental impact or international security challenges could be topics of such discussions. You could paint graffiti in the street of your city and send us a picture of it or even make a series of photos. We would be grateful for any kind of participation.
The alarming rise of far-right movements around the world demands that we stand together to counter these forces to fight imperialism and oppression. Supporting Ukrainians fighting Russian imperialism should be one of the priorities of the anti-authoritarian movement, and this goes hand in hand with supporting all refugees and immigrants in the West.
We believe that we should exchange practices and ideas internationally in order to develop our common struggles. And our team is ready to participate in your events, exchange knowledge, discuss difficult issues and assist in any way we can to make your initiatives impactful. Together, we can build a global network of solidarity that echoes beyond borders and languages.
Franklin Lopez looks back on grassroots movement media and the creation of the documentary film, Yintah.
In the summer of 2011, I was exhausted—physically, mentally, creatively. I’d just finished hauling my feature film, END:CIV, across North America, and when I got back to Vancouver, I didn’t even have a place to sleep. So, I did what many DIY filmmakers do: I moved into my van.
That’s when I got an invitation that would change everything: the Unist’ot’en Clan asked me to bring my film to their territory. I piled a crew of anarchist friends into my old camper van, and we headed north to the Wet’suwet’en yintah (land). At the time, I had no clue I was stepping onto ground zero for a legendary fight against pipelines.
Turns out, the Wet’suwet’en were gearing up to resist thirteen proposed oil and gas pipelines crossing their unceded lands—projects like the Pacific Trails fracked-gas pipeline and Enbridge’s Northern Gateway tar sands line. “The Wet’suwet’en” in those days basically meant three people: Freda Huson, Toghestiy (now known as Chief Dini Ze Smogelgem), and Mel Bazil, all determined to protect the Wedzin Kwa River from potential pipeline ruptures. Once I tasted that ice-cold water straight from the river, I understood exactly why they were putting everything on the line.
We started off screening END:CIV in Witset (then Moricetown) and Smithers, the nearby settler town. At the time, a major focus of my film work was decolonization and climate change—so the timing couldn’t have been better. Like many informed people, I believed that if we didn’t halt oil and gas production, our planet would face catastrophic climate chaos. Coming from a family of Boricua anti-colonial fighters, I also found it easy to connect with my new friends on the territory. Then my crew and I headed deeper into the bush to attend an action camp at Unist’ot’en Camp. Back then, it was just one cabin built squarely on the proposed Pacific Trails pipeline route—a bold statement that no pipeline would pass without resistance. Little did we know the strategy sessions in that tiny cabin would spark a movement that would eventually shake Canada to its core.
Documenting Resistance: Oil Gateway and the Early Days
During that first visit, I started filming. I talked with Freda, Toghestiy, and Mel, capturing some of the earliest footage from Unist’ot’en Camp. Those interviews would form part of my short doc, Oil Gateway, which laid out the bigger picture: the tangle of pipelines threatening so-called British Columbia. At the time, subMedia, my anarchist media project, was basically just me, operating on the principle of “rapid release and share.” In other words, frontline struggles need their story told right now, not stashed away for some festival circuit months or years down the road.
After another grueling year of grassroots touring (read: sleeping on couches and eating from dumpsters) END:CIV around Australia, Aotearoa (New Zealand), and Europe, I promised to return to the yintah. By 2012, the Unist’ot’en Camp had grown from that one cabin into a bustling center for resistance. I was humbled to see around 150 people attend the action camp, with many mentioning they first learned about Unist’ot’en through Oil Gateway. It was clear that pipelines were choke points in the fossil fuel machine, and documenting the fight to stop them became my obsession. So I released a second short doc, The Action Camp, showing how Unist’ot’en was evolving into a force to be reckoned with.
Planting the Seeds of Yintah the Film
In 2012, I met filmmaker Sam Vinal of Mutual Aid Media, who was already passionate about the Unist’ot’en struggle. He wanted to make a full-length doc, but my style—rapid release and share —didn’t mesh with the slower festival and grant world. Sam, along with his then-partner, Alexandra Kotcheff, decided to immerse themselves in the yintah, filming extensively at Unist’ot’en. That laid the groundwork for what would become Yintah the film —and kicked off a decade-long collaboration between me and Sam.
Meanwhile, I moved to Montreal and started documenting the movement against oil and gas pipelines in eastern Canada. I teamed up with Amanda Lickers of Reclaim Turtle Island to produce a film exposing the pipeline threats in the region. While covering a Mi’kmaq anti-fracking blockade in Elsipigtog, New Brunswick, I witnessed the lengths the Canadian state would go to shield private extractive projects and trample Indigenous sovereignty. The violent RCMP raid gave me a glimpse of things to come on the yintah but also gave me hope, as hundreds of supporters descended on Elsipigtog to support the anti-fracking fight, and eventually the fracking company pulled out. During that time, I crossed paths with producer Andrea Schmidt from Al Jazeera—a coincidence that turned out to be huge later on.
In 2014, I was back at Unist’ot’en with Amanda Lickers, interviewing Freda and Toghestiy. During that trip, I also met Michael Toledano, a Vice News stringer reporting on the unfolding resistance. In the footage we captured, Freda made a statement that turned out to be prophetic: if the Canadian government attacked, allies would rise up to shut down Canada.
AJ+ and Going Viral
Soon afterward, Andrea Schmidt, now at AJ+, asked me to produce a short documentary on the Wet’suwet’en fight. I got approval from the camp and went back to film. That short documentary reached over a million viewers on Facebook, further helping thrust the Unist’ot’en Camp into the international spotlight. It included a powerful moment where Freda confronted an Enbridge executive, telling her they did not have consent to build their pipeline. Soon after, Enbridge’s Northern Gateway pipeline quietly died.
In 2015, I got a frantic message from Michael Toledano, The RCMP had rolled up on the Unist’ot’en bridge. One of my best friends was getting married that weekend, but he understood when I told him, “Dude, I have to go.” I scrambled to get a plane ticket and headed north. After seeing Michael’s footage, I urged the Unist’ot’en women to post it immediately. Rapid release and share! They agreed, and I edited the video on the spot—it blew up online. Overnight, the RCMP faced widespread backlash and backed off—for a while.
Later that year, I produced Holding Their Ground, a follow-up AJ+ documentary that netted nine million views on Facebook alone. This documentary featured a previously published viral clip of Chevron execs being turned away at the Unist’ot’en bridge, proving that front-line footage can be released in real time and still have a major impact later. This footage is also featured in our film INVASION as well as in Yintah.
Naval resistance in the west, shutting down pipelines in the east.
While on that trip out west, I got a call from an anarchist comrade, telling me that Tsimshians on the coast needed some visibility for their fight to stop a liquefied natural gas (LNG) port from being built on their waters. I jumped at the opportunity, and while visiting their camp, I captured powerful images of Tsimshian fishermen blocking Petronas workers from conducting survey work. The Tsimshians continued their fight, and by 2017 the LNG project was dead.
This was a very special time, and it felt like we were riding a wave. My partner was several months pregnant, and she and I organized a series of events in Montreal featuring Freda, Toghestiy, and Felipe Uncacia, an Indigenous leader from Colombia. We also took advantage of this trip to connect them to Kanienkeha’ka (Mohawk) communities in the region, including stops in Kanehsatà:ke, Kahnawake, and Akwesasne.
The following year, my child was born. Watching this tiny, noisy being taking his first breaths made me reflect on the kind of world I was bringing him into. Stepping away from the struggle wasn’t an option—I had to stay in the ring and keep fighting against colonialism and capitalism for his future and ours.
2019: The RCMP Raids and a Movement Under Siege
By late 2018, the Gidim’ten Clan asserted their right to control access to their territory, meaning no Coastal GasLink (CGL) workers could pass. I teamed up with Sam Vinal and Michael Toledano to find more filmmakers to document this pivotal moment. At subMedia, now a collective of four, we churned out videos and agitation clips and video updates in solidarity with the Wet’suwet’en.
Led by Molly Wickham, Gidim’ten land defenders and anarchists set up a checkpoint to stop CGL vehicles. The RCMP responded with paramilitary-style force, armed with semi-automatic rifles, arresting Molly and several others. Fearing a similar outcome, the Unist’ot’en leadership took down their blockade. It was heartbreaking to watch, and Sam and Michael filmed every moment.
That spring, after 25 years of subMedia, I needed a break. I was burned out, broke, and bummed out. I took my family west, and we visited Gidimt’en and Unist’ot’en, where the sight of cops and pipeline workers on once-autonomous land really sank my spirits. That’s when I got the idea to launch Amplifier Films, a new project dedicated to uplifting anti-colonial and anti-capitalist movements across Turtle Island. Around then, Sam and Michael decided to merge their footage to finish the film that had been percolating for years. Freda asked me to edit, and the timing was perfect. That fall, we produced INVASION, a short doc about the daily reality at Unist’ot’en under growing RCMP and CGL pressure. I edited INVASION at Amplifier Films in Montreal, reusing some of the best bits from my AJ+ docs and subMedia clips, including a tense confrontation between Tilly (a St’át’imc woman) and Prime Minister Trudeau.
We released INVASION online right as Freda declared that CGL workers had to vacate the territory or risk being blocked. The doc became a key tool for organizers prepping for another big clash with the police. It also premiered in Hot Docs and other prestigious festivals, despite being freely available online for months. Which just goes to show: rapid release and sharing is what movements need most.
Sure enough, raids began once again, culminating in a full-on assault on Unist’ot’en in early 2020. The footage of the RCMP tearing down the gate and arresting Freda and other defenders was intense. But it sparked a massive wave of solidarity actions across Canada. Soon after, Mohawks in Tyendinaga blocked CN Rail lines, kicking off “Shutdown Canada” as railways, highways, and ports were barricaded by anarchists and allies in solidarity with Wet’suwet’en. It was a watershed moment for Indigenous-led resistance.
Making Yintah and Reaching the Breaking Point
Riding that wave of momentum, Sam and I took Yintah to the Big Sky Film Festival in Missoula, Montana. We pitched it to a live audience and secured our first round of funding—enough to produce materials for bigger grants. Then COVID hit, but we pressed on, cutting a trailer and rough scenes for potential funders. Despite having a decade’s worth of incredible footage, we struggled to find backing.
That’s when Montreal’s Eyesteelfilm came on board. Known for their award-winning docs, they loved our trailer and partnered with us to help secure funding and a CBC broadcast deal. We also asked two Wet’suwet’en women—Jen Wickham and Brenda Michel—to join the team, following the principle of “Narrative Sovereignty,” so that Wet’suwet’en voices could help shape every stage of the film.
By fall 2021, we’d raised over our budget goals for Yintah, and I was in the thick of editing. We had more than 1,000 hours of footage spanning a decade. Meanwhile, new images kept rolling in—Coyote Camp rose up with the help of anarchists. CGL equipment was commandeered and roads were destroyed and blocked. Haudenauseane allies from out east travelled to the yintah to join the fight. Then the RCMP launched another brutal raid, and Molly Wickham, Michael Toledano, and others were arrested. I spent a weekend trying to bail Michael out and make sure the footage didn’t vanish into the RCMP’s hands.
Around this time, following hit pieces in far-right media outlets, the Alberta government launched a petition asking Canadians to complain to the CBC about my involvement in Yintah because I identify as an anarchist. Despite it all, we hit our production milestones. In spring 2022, we returned to Wet’suwet’en territory for a consultation where members of Gidimt’en and Unist’ot’en reviewed the scenes. By June, I had a four-hour assembly edit and a story document. A ten-minute sequence I edited even won an award at Cannes, and we got invited to True/False’s rough-cut weekend to get feedback from industry pros.
But the unrelenting pressure eventually took its toll and our dedicated team was submerged in conflictual tensions. Panic attacks, brutal insomnia, and not being there for my family forced me to make one of the toughest calls of my career: after three years on Yintah, I quit.
Reflections, Redemption, and Moving Forward
I spent the next couple of years in a dark place, hit by slanderous rumors about my departure and uncertain about ever picking up a camera again. Then, in spring 2024 right as Yintah was premiering at True/False—I found myself freezing my 52 years old ass off at another blockade, camera rolling, helping an Indigenous community in so-called Quebec document their fight against destructive logging. And once again, the rapid share & release footage proved useful in defending the land.
That fall, I finally got to watch Yintah. I was thrilled to see so much of the editing I’d done remain in place, including the Shutdown Canada sequence (what my friends call “Yintah’s subMedia moment”) set to The Halluci Nation’s “Landback.” A lot of the overall structure still followed the story outline I’d left behind. Its reach blew my mind: Netflix picked it up for North America, Canadians can watch it free on YouTube (VPNs work too), and it even got pirated on YTS! For a movement doc, that’s about as mainstream as it gets.
The scope of this whole saga is still jaw-dropping. A small cabin at Unist’ot’en grew into a global symbol of Indigenous sovereignty, standing against a massive corporate onslaught. But the fight isn’t over—with Coastal GasLink completed, Land defenders continue to face state repression and Canada has approved more pipelines to cross Wet’suwet’en yintah, and other neighboring Indigenous territories.
As for me, I’m pouring my energy into Amplifier Films. One of our first projects is “A Red Road to the West Bank,” which tells the story of Oka Crisis vet Clifton Ariwakehte Nicholas during his trip to Palestine. Our goal is to explore the similarities between the plight of the Palestinians and that of Indigenous people in Turtle Island. Stay tuned for that.
Ultimately, this story is bigger than pipelines. It’s about land, future generations, and what it means to be free. The Wet’suwet’en have shown the world what unwavering resistance looks like—anarchists have demonstrated the power of solidarity, and it’s on all of us to keep that flame alive.
Postscript: Yintah Missing Credits
There are a number of people who helped with Yintah who were not listed in the credits, but whose free labor, particularly at the beginning when we had no cash, was priceless.
Cybergeek Antoine Beaupré for his creation of the custom software video-proxy-magic, which allowed me to crunch 80TB of video into a 5TB drive while keeping the folder structure intact. This helped us share all the footage with the other producers and assistant editors without having to spend thousands on large hard drive arrays.
Many thanks to the post-production interns from the University of the West of England Bristol who helped us organize footage during the early days: Charlotte Butler Blondel, Robert Henman, and George Willmott. Also, much gratitude to Stephen Presence of the Radical Film Network for connecting them with me. A shout-out as well to Marius Fernandes, who did a short stint as an assistant editor.
Ryan Hurst was the first editor for Yintah a few years before this incarnation. A few of his sequences made it in the final film and I rebuilt a lot of his edit projects when doing the footage review.
Big ups to Macdonald Stainsby—he is thanked in the credits, but it should be known that his work in connecting Freda, Toghestiy, and Mel to other troublemakers like me was invaluable. His anti–tar sands organizing and his critiques of environmental NGOs had a huge influence on my work.
Finally, I want to extend my deepest thanks to all the anarchists and anti-authoritarians who poured so much of themselves into this struggle. Your tireless solidarity—often at great personal risk—helped propel the fight farther than anyone imagined. We couldn’t have come this far without you.
Thank you for reading and for standing with the Wet’suwet’en and Indigenous communities everywhere defending their homelands.
A discussion with two organizers of this year’s New Year’s Eve noise demo in Laval. We discuss how things went, prisoner solidarity organizing in Montreal, the value of noise demos as an anarchist tactic and tradition, and where we might go from here.
Constellation will be back in 2025, but things are going to look a bit different this year! Instead of one weekend, the festival will span an entire week, from May 15th to the 21st. Like last year, we encourage everyone to submit events to the online calendar (to be relaunched soon). We’ll also be organizing two large events on Saturday and Sunday. Keep reading for more info!
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Anarchist Bookfair Saturday, May 17 – CÉDA
As you probably guessed, the Anarchist Bookfair will be happening again–same place, same time, same general idea. Tablers will be able to set up inside and outside CÉDA (no CCGV) with books, zines, art, and other materials relevant to anarchy. We’ll also have access to a handful of rooms in CÉDA and spots in Parc Vinet for book talks, workshops, discussions, reading circles, and more! We’re hoping that the content of events on this day can be a bit more conceptual or theoretical. Think reading circle of your favourite anarchist essay, discussion on an ongoing social struggle, workshop sharing new perspectives on security culture, and all that kind of fun stuff.
Anarchist Skill Faire Sunday, May 18 – CÉDA
As for Sunday, we are excited to host the Montreal Anarchist Skill Faire (10 points if you spotted the bilingual pun). Remember school science fairs? We want to do something similar, but with more anarchy (trifold displays welcome). We call for a tabling event that brings a chaotic and dazzling range of anarchist-relevant skills together with the purpose of sharing it freely. Maybe you want to give tips on protest first aid, provide a hands-on introduction to lockpicking, or teach people how to set up a mesh network. Anything goes, as long as it centres the diffusion of hands-on knowledge and practical skills. There will also be rooms for more intensive, workshop-length skillshares!
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Anarchists have had an enduring understanding that theory and practice can’t (and probably shouldn’t) be separated. Ideas incite action, practice inspires theory, and politics influence the types of skills we seek to develop. Theoretical and conceptual conversations will touch on practice and have implications for action. Discussions related to hands-on knowledge and practical skills will be shaped by ideas and be of relevance to theory. We’re organizing Saturday and Sunday along these two themes as an experiment, and we recognize that both are equally important and intrinsically linked to one another.
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Kids Zone
We want Constellation 2025 to be engaging and accessible to people of all ages! Once again, childcare and kid-friendly activities will be provided at the Kids Zone in CÉDA. We also encourage festival-goers to organize workshops and skillshares geared toward young people on either Saturday or Sunday.
Get Involved
The table reservation and workshop application forms will be available soon. Check our website or social media pages later this month to learn more. If you have any comments or questions, feel free to reach us at constellationmtl@riseup.net.